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| Croatian Herald, December 14, 2001. IS CROATIA HEADING EAST? by Brian Gallagher, On 29 October Prime Minister Racan signed the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between Croatia and the European Union (EU). EU External Relations commissioner Chris Patten denied any intention of recreating Yugoslavia. Prime Minister Racan claimed that Croatia could accept regional co-operation but not regional fate. Not only do articles 11-14 of the contradict the Prime Minister, but a speech made by Chris Patten demonstrated a desire to recreate Yugoslavia in some form leading to a 'West Balkans' political structure; a vision seemingly publicly agreed to by the Croatian foreign minister. Articles 11-14 firmly of the SAA link Croatia to the rest of the SAA states: former Yugoslavia - minus Slovenia plus Albania. These articles require Croatia to sign 'bilateral' agreements on 'regional conventions' with other states that sign and SAA agreement with the EU. The 'regional conventions' cover areas such as political dialogue, a free trade area, mutual concessions on movement of workers and capital as well as matters such as the field of Justice and Home Affairs. These 'bilateral' agreements must be concluded within 2 years of each SAA state signing such an agreement. If not, all relations with the EU cease. Croatia's fate is very firmly tied then with that of Macedonia, Yugoslavia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Albania. All countries with serious problems, with which close association will do Croatia tremendous harm. A few days before the signing of the SAA, on 25 October, Chris Patten gave the opening statement to the Regional Conference for South East Europe (Stability Pact) in Bucharest. His speech focused on the SAA. What he had to say should cause every Croatian citizen grave concern. Patten said that one way of shoring up strong institutions in the 'Western Balkans' is by the EU strategy of "re-connecting the ties that bind peoples of the region together". A somewhat clear admission of his desire to restore some form of Yugoslavia. In the speech, Patten elaborated on the 'Western Balkans' plan. He clearly states that the SAA is "more than a bilateral process." He wants to see countries "weave a web of bilateral and regional relationships between themselves, as a basis for greater economic and political stability in the region". He wants the region to establish "a network of close contractual relations among themselves mirroring the bilateral relationship with the EU contained in SA agreements". It is clear that from this that Patten sees a regional fate for Croatia in the 'Western Balkans'; one cannot conclude otherwise. He appears to advocating a 'Western Balkans' mini EU. Indeed, it sounds like it may be a structure even deeper than the former Yugoslavia. He firmly states the a country's ability in implementing this part of the SAA agenda will be highly influential in the EU assessment of a country's ability to join the EU - create a mini Balkan EU or you don't get into the European Union. It is worth noting here that Chris Patten was the former British Conservative Party chairman between 1990-2, the period during which the Conservative government did tremendous damage to Croatia, and was a close confidante of John Major. In other words, he is not a natural ally for Croatia. At the same conference, Croatian Foreign Minister Tonino Picula gave a speech. Did he disagree with Chris Patten's West Balkan's 'web' destiny for Croatia? Did he advocate an individual approach for Croatia, as Slovenia did with such success? Not a bit of it. "Croatia will not fail to remain true to the aspect of the Stabilisation and Association Process which promotes regional stability in our common interest". It would appear that Minister Picula is sold on the 'Western Balkans' vision for Croatia. However, it seems that all this is not being made clear to the Croatian people. Indeed, the contrary impression is being given. The joint declaration of the EU and Croatia on political dialogue at the signing of the SAA has amongst its aims merely a comment on "promoting regional co-operation" and developing "good neighbourly relations". This hardly gives an indication to the reality of articles 11-14 or tie in with Chris Patten's 'Western Balkans' vision. The comments in the declaration on the matter mask the reality of what is meant by "regional co-operation". On the occasion of the signing of the SAA, Chris Patten claimed that the EU does not wish to create a new Yugoslavia. He did not mention his 'West Balkans' web vision or his "reconnecting ties" ideas. Prime Minster Racan stated that Croatia is prepared for regional co-operation but not ties. This conflicts somewhat with both articles 11-14 and Patten's Bucharest speech. It would appear that one thing is told to Croats; another to the international community. Indeed, the Croatian government approach seems to be to domestically claim that they are firmly against any idea of regional structures - but signing up to them anyway in the hope that nobody notices. It is important to note that Croatia is not being forced to do anything here; Slovenia ensured it was not part of this plan simply by refusing all regional ideas. Croatia has accepted the SAA with enthusiasm. Chris Patten said that creating ties between the SAA countries would be a factor in determining EU entry. Yet, by creating ties with such economic and political disaster areas such as Serbia and Albania, the chances of Croatia joining the EU will fall dramatically. What is truly insidious about the whole SAA/'West Balkan' process is that it will not happen overnight - it will happen over a period of years. Only Croatia and Macedonia have signed the SAA, and the agreements have to be agreed by all EU national parliaments. Essentially, this is a long process. In about ten years time Croats will suddenly realise they are in something called the 'West Balkans' and not the EU and wonder how it happened. In Serbia, there are no illusions about what is happening. Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic recently visited the United States. There, he put forward ideas to "advance the region's economic integration". He even gave a report on countries in the region, expanding to include Bulgaria and Romania. Of Croatia, he noted that it was "not so fast in doing reforms as expected". It would appear that Mr Djindjic perhaps has ambitions beyond being merely Prime Minister of Serbia. It is supremely ironic that the Croatian people's eagerness to join the EU and the West may be used against them to end up in a 'Western Balkans' association firmly faced East. My thanks to Claire Wardley for pointing me to the Patten speech. Chris's Patten's Bucharest 'West Balkans Web' speech can be found at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/news/patten/sp01_489.htm Foreign Minister Picula's Bucharest speech can be found at: http://www.mvp.hr/mvprh-www-eng/2-aktiv/govori/011025_jie.html The SAA can be seen at the EU website at: http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/see/croatia/com01_371en.pdf Articles 11-14 'Regional Cooperation' are on pages 18/19 Submitted by Brian Gallagher distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. 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| Subject: letter to Ms. Bloomfield re: Jasenovac Ms. Sara Bloomfield Museum Director Washington Holocaust Museum Washington, D.C. via fax 12. 28. 2001 Dear Ms. Bloomfield: The reports by the press of the find of Jasenovac items in Banja Luka, Bosnia Herzegovina, (that were stolen from Jasenovac by the Serbs), and their return to Croatia, have repeatedly been distressing to Croatians, as Jasenovac has been mentioned again and again as the only WWII concentration camp of former Yugoslavia, while some even suggest that it was hidden all these years from public knowledge. Nothing could be further from the truth, as I am certain you are aware of it. What most of the media and public are not aware of is the fact that most of the persons responsible for the atrocities committed in Jasenovac during the Croatian Nazi puppet regime of WWII were tried and punished by the communist Yugoslav government after the war and that Jasenovac also continued to serve as a brutal concentration camp under the communist regime for anti-communist Croatians who had nothing to do with fascism. After Croatia became independent in 1991, it kept up Jasenovac as a commemorative site for all the victims that were held there. The Croatian government and people never denied Jasenovac's existence and the crimes committed there by the Ustasha regime horrified them. The only denial was the grossly exaggerated number of victims that the Serbs consistently portrayed in spite of available accurate statistics by Serb and Croatian scholars. During 1999 the Jasenovac commander Sakic was extradited from Argentina as requested by the Croatian government and was tried and sentenced to twenty years in prison - meaning lifetime at his age. So as Croatians we truly have to ask the Jewish community why Jasenovac has to be continuously resurrected while Germany that killed millions of Jews and even France and Italy, that delivered Jews to the Nazis, are not being endlessly hounded to this day by a bad press and worse assumptions? There is also a very important question to be asked: Why is the Holocaust Museum and the Jewish community at large totally ignoring Serbia's WWII Nazi puppet regime under general Nedic that rounded up all Serbian Jews in large concentration camps of Serbia's Sajmiste, Banjica and others, where they either killed them or delivered them to the Germans? Serbs proudly declared to Hitler that Belgrade is "Judenfrei" - "Jew free". Serbia has a long history of antisemitism, long before WWII, especially fostered by its Serb Orthodox Church, while Croatia does not. Sincerely, Hilda Foley Media Relations National Federation of Croatian Americans 13272 Orange Knoll Santa Ana, Ca. 92705 distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. If you have received this e-mail in error please immediately notify the sender by telephone or e-mail, and permanently delete this e-mail and any attachments. |
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| http://interactive.wsj.com/fr/emailthis/retrieve.cgi?id=SB1009403626892603160. djm December 27, 2001 International Commentary NATO in the Balkans: Time for a Rethink? By Vitomir Miles Raguz. The next round of North Atlantic Treaty Organization expansion is due next fall at the Prague summit of the NATO members' heads of state. Not surprisingly, the debate over candidates is already in full swing. Yet almost all of the debate has focused on the so-called Vilnius Nine -- Albania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia -- named after the Lithuanian capital where their leaders met last year to begin lobbying their cases. Three European states -- Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Yugoslavia -- were not invited to Vilnius. At the time, they had not met the internal stability requirements to participate and so are generally overlooked in the present discussions. Since then, however, all three have voted into office new Western-leaning governments, some for the first time, and Croatia was recently included in NATO's Partnership for Peace program, the antechamber for eventual NATO candidacy. This is a significant boost for the region's basic security. Yet the advance of Western security policy in the region should not stop there. With a bit of deft handling, NATO now has the opportunity to reshape the region for decades to come. Let's take this case-by-case. * Croatia. Since we often speak of NATO membership as a reward, the delay in bringing Croatia into the Partnership for Peace was curious, as perhaps no new state better deserved membership. For starters, Croatia saved Bosnia. In the summer of 1995 its military operations ended a humanitarian catastrophe for which the West could not muster an appropriate response. Four years later, during the Kosovo crisis, Croatia opened its airspace to the NATO alliance, no questions asked, though it could have demanded political favors in return. And the smooth transformation of Zagreb politics in January 2000 from one-party monolith to multiparty government turned out to be a harbinger for further democratization in the region. Yet Croatia's positive role has been overshadowed by long held prejudices. There's the (mistaken) view that Croats joined the Axis en masse in World War II while the Serbs were the sole members of the Allied partisan movement. More recently, two decisions in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia -- Blaskic and Kordic -- found Croatia to have been involved as an aggressor in Bosnia in 1993, although the court's reasoning left much to be desired. For all that, Croatia's stabilizing role in the region cannot be ignored. Croatia is Bosnia's principal security partner. Two-thirds of Bosnia's border is with Croatia. It is the primary transit country for international forces and supplies to this landlocked country, and Croatia's many ports and roads along the Adriatic are Bosnia's lifelines to the outside world. Bringing NATO to its borders will enhance Bosnia's attractiveness to investors and stabilize its trade routes. From this perspective, the long-term security of Bosnia and the region would be best served if NATO leaders took the next logical step and included Croatia among the next round of new members. * Bosnia. Bosnia remains handicapped even for the Partnership for Peace, primarily because it has two armies: one Serb, the other Muslim-Croat. Since NATO cannot accept a country with multiple armies, it has encouraged the three sides in Bosnia to form a unified force. But the Serb side is not ready to accept this, and the withdrawal of the Croat component from the Muslim-Croat army further complicates the situation. The Croat walkout points to the problems caused by back-door revisions of Dayton that are intended to centralize the state. The Western powers now favor such a policy in general, although the history of Bosnia tells us that centralization is likely to fail. Ordinary Bosnian citizens, unlike the governing elites, dismiss outright the thought of a unified army, arguing that if it came to war, local Serbs and Croats would abandon ship either to fight alongside one of the two, or sit idly by until their own homesteads became endangered. A better alternative would be to restructure the country's security needs along Costa Rican lines: that is, near-total demilitarization, with a beefed up police and border force and nonagression agreements with neighbors. This would certainly benefit Bosnian taxpayers, already overburdened by military expenditures that take up 40% of the budget. NATO would be wise to consider how it can use its resources and moral force to move Bosnia in this direction. It's unlikely that Bosnia will ever join NATO, since the Serb side has not expressed interests beyond the Partnership for Peace. But NATO can provide Bosnia with a future, thus enhancing the region's stability without having to remain stationed in the region for decades. * Yugoslavia. After facing the might of NATO over Kosovo, it seems improbable that Yugoslavia would want to join the Western alliance at all. The new president, Vojislav Kostunica, has never addressed this issue directly, except to suggest that he would want to sue NATO for damages and war crimes before considering a partnership. On the military side, the Belgrade elite will most likely prefer to keep an open-door policy to Moscow for historical and religious reasons. However, a group of Yugoslav army officers, led by wartime general Momcilo Perisic, have called not only for Yugoslavia's membership in the Partnership for Peace, but also for early NATO membership. This may be a window of opportunity for the West, if it is willing to offer carrots and exercise patience. One of the carrots would be the upgrade of the ICTY. Belgrade is not very happy with the ICTY's work so far, but neither is anyone else in the region. This regional discontent may make it easier for the Western powers to reform the ICTY to the pre-1995 standards of international law. Another carrot would be early EU candidacy, something that Belgrade dearly desires. * * * With the expansion of the European Union and NATO to Eastern Europe as far as the Baltics and the Black Sea, the new Balkan states will no longer play the strategic role for the Western powers that the former Yugoslavia enjoyed during the Cold War. And yet the risk that they may fall prey to regressive political and economic forces is real. With 20,000 troops in Bosnia alone, NATO now has the opportunity to play an important leadership role in making sure that doesn't happen. It should seize it. -- From The Wall Street Journal Europe Mr. Raguz was ambassador of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union and NATO from 1998 to 2000. This article is adapted from the Harvard International Review. Copyright Đ 2002 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. If you have received this e-mail in error please immediately notify the sender by telephone or e-mail, and permanently delete this e-mail and any attachments. |
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| Not yet Bush of the Balkans, December 26th 2001 by Jeffrey T. Kuhner Croatia is poised to spearhead a broad-based conservative movement in the Balkans. Ivo Sanader, the leader of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the country's main opposition party, came to Washington last week and spoke about his vision for the future. An admirer of President Bush's "compassionate conservatism," Mr. Sanader stressed that he will implement a sweeping agenda of tax cuts, smaller government and economic deregulation should he become Croatia's next prime minister. This is precisely what this small Balkan country of 4.5 million needs at the moment. And the fact that economic conservatism is being championed by the head of the HDZ is even more remarkable. The party's founder, former President Franjo Tudjman, led Croatia's bloody drive for independence from Yugoslavia in 1991. Mr. Tudjman's regime, however, was criticized by many in the West for its authoritarian rule and rampant economic cronyism, in which public assets were plundered by the HDZ elite. Although a principled nationalist who secured an independent Croatian state in the face of Serbian aggression, Mr. Tudjman had a poor economic record characterized by bureaucratic statism and pervasive corruption. Following his death in December 1999, the HDZ was swept from power and a center-left coalition government was elected on a platform of democratic reform and forging closer links with the West. Yet the new administration in Zagreb has been unable to resolve Croatia's economic crisis. Unemployment is at 23 percent, and the country is saddled with a nearly $10 billion foreign debt. Its annual per capita income is slightly more than $4,000, which is half that of neighboring Slovenia, and only 60 percent of what it was prior to independence. After revamping the HDZ into a Croatian version of the Republican Party, Mr. Sanader now seeks to use the electorate's growing frustration with the government's stalled agenda to form a center-right coalition that will capture power if early elections are called next year. His goal is to transform Croatia into a bastion of free-market capitalism that will serve as a model for the rest of the Balkans. Borrowing from the playbook of President Bush and Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, Mr. Sanader rightly argues that the best way to kick start Croatia's anemic economy is to slash income and business taxes, remove burdensome government regulations and reduce public spending. Unlike Mr. Tudjman, Mr. Sanader is not a fiery Balkan blood-and-soil nationalist, but a Reaganite conservative who understands that Croatia has the potential to become one of the most prosperous countries in Europe and a force for democracy and human rights in the war-torn former Yugoslavia. Yet Mr. Sanader will never accomplish his political objectives until he does something no Croatian politician has been willing to do since the country gained its independence: confront the communist past. Few people in Eastern Europe suffered under the iron grip of communism as much as the Croats. During the period of Tito's totalitarian rule from 1945 until his death in 1980, hundreds of thousands of Croat writers, priests, peasants and dissidents were murdered or sent to prison. Rather than face up to this bloody legacy, Croatia's political leaders have chosen to sweep communism's crimes under the rug. The result is that the country's political and economic development has been stunted by a lingering neo-Marxist mindset. The communist influence can be found everywhere. Croatia's President Stipe Mesic and Prime Minister Ivica Racan are ex-communists who have never apologized for their shadowy pasts. Many who worked for Yugoslavia's notorious secret police have not been fired from their positions, but continue to be employed in Croatia's intelligence services. The country's economic life remains rife with Soviet-style bribery and cronyism. Trapped in a Titoist time-warp, many ordinary Croatians still do not understand that a free-market economy depends upon social habits such as self-reliance, a strong work ethic and personal responsibility virtues that were almost eradicated by decades of communist social engineering. Hence, if Mr. Sanader is serious about leading a conservative revolution in the Balkans then he must start by immediately implementing sweeping decommunization. The massive public bureaucracy, which is dominated by the old guard opposed to economic reform, must be dismantled. A legal framework needs to be created that will protect private property rights and the rule of law, encouraging entrepreneurship and the creation of investment capital. Most importantly, Croatia's next leader must wage a vigorous campaign against corruption. It is a tall order. But if Mr. Sanader wants to claim the mantle of Mr. Reagan and Lady Thatcher, he must first adopt the anti-communism of these conservative icons. Only then will he succeed in becoming the Bush of the Balkans. Jeffrey T. Kuhner is an assistant national editor at The Washington Times Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.croatianworld.net/">Crown Home Page</A> distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. 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| My thanks again to Mike Baresic for the following item, which has been circulated in Croatian, but this is an English version Brian Vjesnik December 20, 2001 Why Doesn't the Hague Tribunal allow Croats Pre-Trial Release? By Marko Baresic Zagreb-Even though they can sometimes be deceptive, statistics most often reveal the criteria under which certain institutions operate. With a very simple comparison of facts about individuals whom the ICTY has granted pre-trial release, one arrives at some very perplexing conclusions. Specifically, the tribunal has thus far allowed Serbs and Bosniaks to defend themselves while on pre-trial release, but not a single Croat. Is this merely a coincidence or are these facts the result of some unwritten (unwritten because it would clearly be ethnic discrimination), but nevertheless very real practice? In order to avoid speculation, here's what the facts are. The Hague tribunal allowed pre-trial release for Biljana Plavsic, the former president of Republika Srpska and a close associate of Radovan Karadzic. She voluntarily surrendered and is now in Belgrade until the beginning of her trial. The Serbian government gave guarantees that she would return to the Hague and now, instead of a Hague cell, she can choose whether to spend the winter holidays in Kopaonik or someplace else. Also on pre-trial release is Pavle Strugar, an officer of the former JNA who in 1991 led the assault on Dubrovnik. He was released on almost an express basis, to the chagrin of the people of Dubrovnik who cannot forget that time when forces under Strugar's command pillaged the outskirts of Dubrovnik, and the town itself and its citizens were exposed to death and destruction. Logic suggests that the same will occur with Miodrag Jokic, and admiral in the former JNA who, as Strugar's deputy, actively assisted in the Serbian-MonteNegrin aggression on southern Croatia. A few days ago Bosniaks under indictment for crimes in central Bosnia also found themselves free men. Enver Hadzihasanovic, Mehmed Alagic, Amir Kubura and Sefer Halilovic were received as heroes upon their return to Sarajevo, and their government is considering whether, despite the fact that they are under indictment, they should return to the positions they held prior to their departure for the Hague. Thus, negotiations are underway for Halilovic (who is connected to crimes against Croats in Grabovica and Uzdol, and who is passing responsibility on to Alija Izetbegovic) to return to his ministerial portfolio, and Kubura to return as an officer in the BiH Army. In principle, there should be no objection to this because everyone is innocent until proven guilty. What is objectionable is that this principle does not appear to apply to Croats. The possibility of pre-trial release for Croats has in advance been eliminated by the Hague court, which did not allow pre-trial release for not only for Blaskic or Kordic, but not for any Croat whatsoever. Not even for those Croats who voluntarily surrendered to the Tribunal. And those who voluntarily surrendered include Blaskic, Kordic, Ademi, Ljubicic, and many others. General Blaskic is now in his sixth year of custody in the Hague, and he still does not have a final judgment. Kordic and the group of Croats from central Bosnia who voluntary surrendered at the Split airport in 1998 under assurances from Robert Gelbard that they would receive a quick and just trial, also were denied pre-trial release. The Kupreskic brothers, who were recently acquitted by the Tribunal after four years as prisoners, were also not allowed pre-trial detention. At the time, they asked the Bosnian government to provide the Tribunal with assurances that they would return, but it refused. In contrast, the new BiH government quickly gave assurances of the return of accused Bosniaks. Furthermore, how do you explain that an officer of the Croatian Army, General Rahim Ademi, voluntarily surrendered to the ICTY well before Strugar, Hadzihasanovic, Halilovic and Kubura, and that they have since been released but Ademi has not? Does this perhaps mean that the assurances of the Croatian government on Ademi's behalf (that he would return) are worth less than the assurances of the Serbian government or the government of the BiH Federation for Serbs and Bosniaks? If that is the case, then Ivica Racan and Goran Granic should be deeply concerned, because that fact would speak volumes about their (lack of) credibility and respect among Hague officials. No, as in all likelihood it has nothing to do with that, the question becomes what exactly is going on here. The attempt to connect Ademi's pre-trial release to the Gotovina case totally lacks in credibility. If Ademi's freedom hinges on Gotovina's decision to voluntarily arrive in the Hague, and if this type of contingency were to become official ICTY policy, then the guarantees of the Serbian government for Biljana Plavsic and Pavle Strugar would be worthless, because that government harbors Mladic, Sljivancanin, Mrksic, Radic, and refuses to extradite them. Moreover, the President of Serbia (Milutinovic) is himself a Hague indictee. In all likelihood what is going on here is something completely different. What is happening is that the Hague tribunal appears to be applying a double standard in which it grants pretrial release to some Serbs and Bosniaks who have voluntarily surrendered, while a Croat, meaning a member of the Croatian Army or the HVO (even an ethnic Albanian like Ademi) who has voluntarily surrendered cannot receive pre-trial release, if we judge by the practice to date of the Tribunal. Should we then be shocked by the results of Croatian public opinion polls which reveal a deep lack of trust of the Hague Tribunal, and that the principle criticism is that the tribunal does not act on the basis of rules of procedure and evidence, but rather on political and other non-legal criteria? Unfortunately, the statistics above regarding accused who are allowed pre-trial release and those who are not confirm that the results of these Croatian public opinion polls are not without a basis in fact. Brian Gallagher distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. 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| http://teletubbie.het.net.je/~sjaak/domovina/domovina/archive/1991/english/hrd ata.html Go to this website, which gives you the 1991 ethnic population in all of Croatia, when you want to prove any points. Judy - St. Louis feldwoj2@slu.edu CITY INHABITANTS % CROATS % SERBS % OTHERS Beli Manastir 54160 41.7 25.5 32.8 Benkovac 33079 40.6 57.4 2.0 Biograd na moru 17515 92.0 3.7 4.3 Bjelovar 65773 80.1 8.9 11.0 Brac 13690 93.9 1.3 4.8 Buje 23752 39.6 4.2 56.2 Buzet 7384 58.6 0.8 40.6 Cabar 5144 90.4 1.3 8.3 Cakovec 118779 93.9 0.4 5.7 Cazma 15221 90.7 4.6 4.7 Cres-Losinj 11639 75.2 6.5 18.3 Crikvenica 19072 85.0 4.7 10.3 Daruvar 29978 34.3 33.2 32.5 Delnice 17745 90.1 3.5 6.4 Djakovo 52443 91.7 3.8 4.5 Djurdevac 40826 96.7 0.5 2.8 Donja Stubica 30729 98.0 0.3 1.7 Donji Lapac 8049 0.5 97.4 2.1 Donji Miholjac 20308 83.7 11.9 4.4 Drnis 24157 76.8 21.3 1.9 Dubrovnik 70672 82.5 6.7 10.8 Duga Resa 30316 89.3 6.6 4.1 Dugo Selo 19682 88.1 3.9 8.0 Dvor 14636 9.5 85.6 4.9 Garesnica 18352 77.2 11.0 11.8 Glina 22997 35.0 60.5 4.5 Gospic 28732 64.3 31.1 4.6 Gracac 11060 14.0 82.3 3.7 Grubisno Polje 14186 42.3 32.1 25.6 Hvar 11384 91.8 1.8 6.4 Imotski 38555 95.5 2.9 1.6 Ivanec 41488 97.6 0.2 2.2 Ivanic-Grad 25426 92.9 1.3 5.8 Jastrebarsko 32211 95.1 1.2 3.7 Karlovac 80855 63.7 26.6 9.7 Kastel 31229 92.4 3.0 4.6 Klenjec 10780 96.8 0.4 2.8 Knin 42337 8.6 88.6 2.8 Koprivnica 61000 89.3 5.0 5.7 Korcula 19612 92.0 1.1 6.9 Kostajnica 14838 28.5 62.4 9.1 Krapina 26320 98.4 0.2 1.4 Krizevci 39261 94.1 2.4 3.5 Krk 15861 87.7 2.9 9.4 Kutina 39493 82.6 7.9 9.5 Labin 25800 43.9 2.0 54.1 Lastovo 1206 76.6 5.1 18.3 Ludbreg 21817 96.9 0.8 2.3 Makarska 20930 88.5 2.0 9.5 Metkovic 22774 93.7 3.1 3.2 Nasice 40424 80.1 11.0 8.9 Nova Gradiska 60461 71.7 20.8 7.5 Novi Marof 29198 98.2 0.2 1.6 Novska 24731 67.0 21.8 11.2 Obrovac 11442 32.2 65.9 1.9 Ogulin 28904 59.9 35.3 4.8 Omis 25681 97.3 0.4 2.3 Opatija 29774 78.6 3.9 17.5 Orahovica 15528 69.7 21.4 8.9 Osijek 164577 66.6 20.0 13.4 Otocac 24779 64.9 32.2 2.9 Ozalj 14607 94.9 1.0 4.1 Pag 7494 95.9 0.7 3.4 Pakrac 27288 36.0 46.4 17.6 Pazin 18915 78.2 0.6 21.2 Petrinja 35622 44.2 44.9 10.9 Ploce 13116 85.1 4.2 10.7 Podravska Slatina 31155 57.2 35.8 7.0 Porec 22846 54.3 4.0 41.7 Pregrada 16914 97.4 0.1 2.5 Pula 84606 55.5 7.6 36.9 Rab 9504 92.9 1.3 5.8 Rijeka 205836 71.4 10.6 18.0 Rovinj 19686 56.8 3.6 39.6 Senj 9118 93.3 2.3 4.4 Sibenik 84435 84.1 10.5 5.4 Sinj 60178 92.6 4.5 2.9 Sisak 84247 64.5 22.8 12.7 Slavonska Pozega 71299 79.4 14.0 6.6 Slavonski Brod 113551 85.2 6.5 8.3 Slunj 18643 63.7 29.8 6.5 Solin 27016 94.1 2.1 3.8 Split 206612 87.3 4.2 8.5 Sveti Ivan Zelin 16483 97.3 0.5 2.2 Titova Korenica 11307 16.8 75.8 7.4 Trogir 21809 92.5 1.3 6.2 Valpovo 33009 90.5 2.9 6.6 Varazdin 94020 94.9 1.1 4.0 Vinkovci 98484 80.0 13.0 7.0 Virovitica 46498 76.8 15.7 7.5 Vis 4310 86.8 2.7 10.5 Vojnic 8190 1.2 90.6 8.2 Vrbovec 27903 93.9 2.0 4.1 Vrbovsko 7501 59.0 33.1 7.9 Vrginmost 16534 24.4 70.6 5.0 Vrgorac 7406 96.8 0.2 3.0 Vukovar 84024 43.7 37.4 18.9 Zabok 36120 97.0 0.3 2.7 Zadar 134881 83.4 10.5 6.1 Zagreb 930550 85.6 5.4 9.0 Zlatar Bistrica 30999 98.1 0.2 1.7 Zupanja 48876 87.6 2.4 10.0 Total 4760344 77.9 12.2 9.9 ------------------------------------------------------------------------ This page was compiled by Marko Terviöö from Finland. Marko kindly gave CBIPE his permission to archive this, and other, pages when he could no longer keep it on line. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Courtesy from Domovina.net distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. If you have received this e-mail in error please immediately notify the sender by telephone or e-mail, and permanently delete this e-mail and any attachments. |
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| I had promised to send this to the list before the New Year and I barely made it - sorry for the delay. Today is the last day to make donations which can be used as a deduction for those filing US tax returns. As I understand it, the check doesn't need to reach these organizations today. This is a list of which I am aware of of Croatian-American 501(c)(3) tax-exempt organizations. I'm sure there are more (e.g., AMAC for which I don't have an address). Certainly, this is something to include on our website as time goes forward. In addition to this list, each of our Croatian Catholic Parishes is also tax exempt! Happy New Year to all! John Kraljic American Croatian Relief Project, c/o St. Joseph's Croatian Catholic Church, 2112 South 12th Street, St. Louis, Mossouri 63104 Croatian Academy of America, PO Box 1767, Grand Central Station, New York, NY 10163-1767. Croatian Community of Astoria, Inc., PO Box 3216, Astoria, New York 11103 Croatian Relief Services, Inc., Church of St. John the Baptist, 239 Anderson Avenue, Fairview, New Jersey 07022 Croatian Scholarship Fund, PO Box 290, San Ramon, California 94583. NFCA Cultural Foundation, 1329 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20036. distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. If you have received this e-mail in error please immediately notify the sender by telephone or e-mail, and permanently delete this e-mail and any attachments. |
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| JEDINI U EUROPI UVOZIMO MLIJEKO Hrvatska je jedina zemlja u Europi koja uvozi mlijeko, a na godinu joj za potrebe trzista nedostaje 90 milijuna litara, izjavio je Antun Debrecin, voditelj radne skupine predsjednika Mesica za izradu strategije razvoja agrara. Jedan od glavnih razloga toj poraznoj cinjenici, naveo je, u tome je sto smo 1998. godine imali 843.000 goveda, a trenutacno je u Hrvatskoj samo 438.000 grla. U istom je razdoblju pao uvoz mlijeka, a nije povecana njegova proizvodnja. Prema podacima Hrvatske gospodarske komore, u prvih je devet mjeseci ove godine, primjerice, uvezeno mlijeka u vrijednosti gotovo 14,5 milijuna dolara, a u istom razdoblju lani taj je proizvod uvezen u vrijednosti 14,4 milijuna dolara. Istodobno je od sijecnja do rujna ove godine, naveo je HGK, izvezeno mlijeka u vrijednosti 2,6 milijuna dolara, sto je milijun dolara manje nego u istom razdoblju lani. STOKA NA KREDIT - Osim opustosena stocnog fonda, domace proizvodjace mlijeka muci i neprihvatljiva otkupna cijena mlijeka. Ona je, primjerice, 1995. godine iznosila 2,60 kuna za litru, a sada je oko dvije kune. U listopadu dogovoreno povecanje otkupne cijene osjetili su samo oni koji proizvode vise od 4000 litara na mjesec, a takvih je tek 20 posto - navodi predsjednik Udruga proizvodjaca mlijeka Osjecko-baranjske zupanije Ivica Miketek i dodaje kako su brojni seljaci koji se bave proizvodnjom mlijeka na egzistencijalnom rubu. Zbog nedostatka domacih junica, objasnjava, seljaci su bili prisiljeni stoku kupovati na kredit od Lure. Grlo u prosjeku stoji oko 3000 njemackih maraka, a kooperanti taj novac Luri vracaju kroz isporuku mlijeka. U Luri, pak, potvrdjuju da domaca proizvodnja mlijeka ne zadovoljava potrebe naseg trzista, a najveca domaca mlijecna industrija, koja drzi oko 40 posto trzista, uvozi oko 15 posto svjezeg mlijeka. U Luri isticu kako poduzimaju brojne napore ne bi li njihovi kooperanti povecali proizvodnost i kvalitetu te im, navela je direktorica kooperativne administracije Nina Andjal, nabavljaju i junice. Prije nekoliko godina Lura je za svoje kooperante uvezla 10.000 junica iz Austrije i Njemacke, a nedavno je morala odustati od nabave novih grla iz Austrije zbog pojave kravljeg ludila u toj zemlji. Seljaci, medjutim, isticu da se te krave cesto tesko prilagodjavaju biohranidbi kojom se oni koriste, pa ne daju toliko mlijeka kao kad su bile u Austriji, gdje su nerijetko hranjene mesno-kostanim brasnom. POTICAJI KAO SOCIJALA U Zajednici udruga seljaka Slavonije i Baranje naglasavaju kako je kljuc rjesenja u boljem poticaju poljoprivrednih proizvodjaca i u njihovu okrupnjavanju. Tako misli i direktor Sektora poljoprivredne i prehrambene industrije pri Hrvatskoj udruzi poslodavaca Stipan Bilic. On objasnjava kako se dosadasnje dijeljenje poticaja cesto svodilo na socijalu, a mala, rascjepkana gospodarstva, rekao je, ne mogu biti nositelj poljoprivredne proizvodnje, koja ce se uskoro naci na jos vecem udaru zbog liberalizacije trzista. Toga su svjesni i u Ministarstvu poljoprivrede koje ce, kako je kazao pomocnik ministra Miroslav Bozic, od sljedece godine boljim poticajima stimulirati vece proizvodjace. No, zna li se da proizvodjac mlijeka u Europskoj uniji koji taj proizvod izveze izvan granica EU dobije takve premije da mlijeko moze prodavati gotovo bez marze, jasno je da se domacim proizvodjacima mlijeka nece biti lako izboriti za opstanak. Preneseno iz Vjesnika (www.vjesnik.hr) S. Laus-Mrvelj, 21. prosinca 2001. distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. If you have received this e-mail in error please immediately notify the sender by telephone or e-mail, and permanently delete this e-mail and any attachments. |
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| 1. RECEPTION REPORT Radio Croatia Reception Report From CIRAF Zone 60, Auckland, New Zealand. FROM: AUCKLAND, NEW ZEALAND. 36šS 174.46šE CIRAF ZONE: 60 Graeme Dixon ADDRESS: 77 Kemp Road, Auckland 1008, New Zealand. TRANSMISSION SEASON: B01 RECEIVER: Icom IC-R75 ANTENNA: Longwire New Zealand Summer Time +13Hours UTC Radio Croatia Program Transmission Date: Thursday, January 3, 2002 DATE IN RECEPTION ZONE 60: Friday, January 4, 2002 LEGEND: A=Severe Atmospherics, a=Moderate Atmospherics F=Deep Fades, f=Light Fades, FL=Severe Flutter Fades, Fl=Moderate Flutter Fades, Spl=Severe Sideband Splash, Spl=Moderate Sideband Splash N/m= Not Monitored To: CIRAF ZONE 60, NEW ZEALAND RPT: NZ B0-1 26 UTC KHz SDO REMARKS 0600 9470 KHz 544 f 0630 9470 KHz 555 0700 9470 KHz 555 0730 9470 KHz 544 f 0755 9470 KHz 544 f To: CIRAF ZONE 58, AUSTRALIA UTC KHz SDO REMARKS 0800 13820 KHz 544 f 0830 13820 KHz 533 f,a 0900 13820 KHz 433 f,a, 0930 13820 KHz 322 F,a 0955 13820 KHz 322 F,a 2. VoC/DTK RECEPTION REPORT FROM CALIFORNIA, ZONE 6 MONITOR: Evan John Konjicija E-MAIL: ejk333@aol.com ADDRESS: 536 Hawthorne Ave. CITY: San Bruno STATE: California 94066 COUNTRY: USA TEL.: +1 650 583-2407 FAX: +1 650 952-5830 COORDINATES: Long. 122.4W, Lat. 37.6N CIRAF ZONE: 6 RECEIVER: Kenwood R-5000, with 7MHz on-roof wire dipole antenna MONITORING ENVIRONMENT: Residential, suburban area MONITORING DATE: January 6. 2002 (UTC) TIME TIME VoC/DTK 9925 TIME TIME VoC/DTK 9925 PST UTC Target SIO PST UTC Target SIO 0500pm 0100 to SAm 231 0800pm 0400 to WNAm 444ft 0550pm 0150 to SAm 231 0830pm 0430 to WNAm 444 0900pm 0500 to WNAm 444 0600pm 0200 to ENAm 231 0930pm 0530 to WNAm 454 0630pm 0230 to ENAm 231 0950pm 0550 to WNAm 444 0700pm 0300 to ENAm 231 0730pm 0330 to ENAm 131 TIME TIME VoC/DTK 9470# 13820$ 0750pm 0350 to ENAm 332 PST UTC Target SIO SIO 1000pm 0600 to NZ# 131 1200am 0800 to Au$ 131 NOTES: n/m = not monitored, ft = flutter, sp = mod. splash, tv = interf. from TV set. Checked HRT on 9830 kHz (100kW) at 0715 UTC, nothing heard. WWV Solar-Terrestrial Indices on January 6. 2002 (UTC) 0000 SFI:212 | A:3 down from 4 | K:0 down from3. SAF: low to moderate, GMF: quiet to unsettled Aurora Level: 3 0300 SFI:212 | A:3 | K:1 up from 0. SAF: low to moderate, GMF: quiet to unsettled Aurora Level: 4 0600 SFI:212 | A:3 | K:0 down from 1. SAF: low to moderate, GMF: quiet to unsettled Aurora Level: 4 Best regards, - (Ivo) Evan John Konjicija 3. Reception Report: Croatian Radio Name : Craig Tyson Ciraf zone : 58 Address: 104 Rannoch Circle Coordinates: Long 115.51E Lat 31.57S City : Hamersley 6022 Receiver : Drake R8A Nation : Australia Aerial : Alpha Delta DX-SWL-S Fax: +61 (8) 9342 9158 Receiver Selectivity: 6.0 khz Mobile: +61 0413 716 251 E-mail: tyson@ozemail.com.au Report Period: B01 January 2002 Date Time Frequency SIO Dbu 05/01 0800 13820 354 40db 0830 13820 354 40db 0900 13820 354 40db 0930 13820 454 45db 0942 13820 454 45db Comments: Craig-Perth distributed by CROWN - www.croatianworld.net - CroWorldNet@aol.com Notice: This e-mail and the attachments are confidential information.If you are not the intended recipient of this e-mail, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copying of this e-mail and the attachments is strictly prohibited and violators will be held to the fullest possible extent of any applicable laws governing electronic Privacy. If you have received this e-mail in error please immediately notify the sender by telephone or e-mail, and permanently delete this e-mail and any attachments. |
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