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» (H) Likovna radionica Vlade Franjevica u Indoneziji
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/15/2002 | Culture And Arts | Unrated
 
Izvjesce iz Liechtensteina 
 
Stovani 
 
Ovo je izvjestaj o jednomjesecnom boravku hrvatsko-liechtensteinskog 
kulturno-umjetnickog radnika Vlade Franjevica u Yogyakarti, Indonezija, a 
gdje je na tamosnjoj Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti zajedno sa jos tri kolege 
i jednom kolegicom iz Liechtensteina vodio, na poziv Akademije i posredstvom 
indonezijsko-liechtensteinskog umjetnika Fauzie As’Ada 
(www.artnet.li/fauzie) likovnu radionicu te naknadno izlagao na skupnoj 
izlozbi na kojoj su bili izlozeni i radovi a koji su nastali djelovanjem 
studenata Akademije i voditelja likovnih radionica Arna Oehria 
(www.artnet.li/arno - izlagao Franjevicevim posredstvom 2001. u gradskom 
Muzeju u Bjelovaru i u Konzervatorskoj galeriji u Splitu), Walti Rotha 
(www.artnet.li/walti), Barbare Bühler (www.artnet.li/barbara), Fauzie As’Ada 
i Vlade Franjevica (www.artnet.li/vlado; www.konture.com). Ova 
kulturno-umjetnicka akcija omogucena je finaciranjem Vlade Knezevine 
Liechtenstein a na prijedlog Savjetodavnog tijela za kulturu iste te Vlade. 
Iduce godine ce indonezijski umjetnici boraviti, raditi i izlagati u 
Knezevini Liechtenstein. 
 
Ovaj izvjestaj temelji se na jednomjesecnom dnevniku kojeg je u Indoneziji 
vodio Vlado Franjevic. 
 
Jakarta je glavni grad Indonezije ali glavna dogadjanja na polju likovne 
umjetnosti te juznoazijske zemlje odigravaju se bas u Yogyakarti. O uspjehu 
ovog cjelog projekta svjedoce podaci da je o ovom kratkom radnom posjetu 
Liechtensteinaca Indoneziji izvjestavano devet puta u razlicitim tiskovnim 
glasilima od kojih i u vodecem dnevnom listu “Kompas” te da je objavljen i 
TV-prilog u jednom od TV-dnevnika. O pozitivnim razvojima dogadjanja u 
sklopu likovnih radionica i otvoreno druzenje tamosnjih vodecih suvremenih 
umjetnika, studenata likovne Akademije i vodecih kolekcionara umjetnosti sa 
gostima iz Liechtensteina govorio je posebnom srdacnoscu i Rektor Akademije, 
gospodin prof.dr. I Made Bandem prilikom otvaranja izlozbe. 
 
Vlado Franjevic bio je pozvan od strane Veleposlanstva Republike Hrvatske u 
Indoneziji na Coctail-Party koju je organizirao Veleposlanik RH u Indoneziji 
gospodin Boris Mitrovic a povodom dolaska Hrvatskog predsjednika Stjepana 
Mesica u Indoneziju. Coctail-Party odrzana je u cetvrtak, 14. veljace 2002. 
u 18.30 sati u Bimasena Club, ulica Dharmawangsa Raya br. 39 u Kebayoran 
Baru. Zbog osobnih obaveza prema instituciji od koje je pozvan, odnosno koja 
ga je poslala na ovaj put i zbog programa koji je bio priredjen u cast 
dolaska gostiju iz Liechtensteina Franjevic se nije nazalost mogao odazvati 
tom pozivu kojeg je razumio kao ne mali kompliment, pa se nadao dolasku 
predstavnika Veleposlanstva RH na otvaranje izlozbe 1.3.2002. a kako je to 
ovom likovnom radniku bilo vec obecano. No do tog susreta takodje nije 
doslo. Gospodin Stjepan Mesic zajedno sa delegacijom boravio je takodje 15. 
veljace u Yogyakarti te bio primljen osobno od tamosnjeg Sultana i Guvernera 
Hamengku Buwono X. Delegacija u kojoj se nalazio i Vlado Franjevic bila je 
primljena kod istog gospodina vec 19. veljace (vidi trecu sliku slijeva od 
cetiri dolje u att.!) 
 
U dnevniku Kompas od 14. veljace 2002. na naslovnici je bila objavljena 
fotografija sa predsjednicima dviju zemalja a o tom politickom dogadjaju 
pisano je doslovce slijedece (pardoncek - ovdje stivo ispisano 
Indonezijskim): 
 
„PRESIDEN KROASIA – Presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri bersalaman dengan 
Presiden Kroasia Stjepan Mesic di Istana Merdeka, Rabu (13/2). Presiden 
Kroasia dan Ny Milka Mesic tiba di Indonesia sekitar pukul 14.00 untuk 
kunjungan selama lima hari. 
Presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri dan Presiden Kroasia Stjepan Mesic 
sependapat, kerja sama antara Indonesia dan Kroasia masih bisa dikembangkan 
lagi di berbagai bidang. Hal itu terungkap ketika kedua pemimpin tersebut 
mengadakan jumpa pers bersama di Istana Merdeka, Jakarta, Rabu (13/2) sore. 
Sebelum jumpa pers, keduanya mengadakan pembicaraan tertutup. Presiden 
Kroasia dan Ny Milka Mesic tiba di Indonesia sekitar pukul 14.00 untuk 
kunjungan di Indonesia selama lima hari. Selain Mengadakan kunjungan di 
Jakarta, Mesic juga akan ke Yogyakarta dan Bali. Ia juga akan bertemu Ketua 
MPR Amien Rais dan Ketua DPR Akbar Tandjung. Dalam jumpa pers singkat, 
kemarin, Megawati mengungkapkan, pertemuannya dengan Presiden Kroasia juga 
membicaran soal kerja sama bidang investasi, ekonomi, dan perdagangan. Malam 
harinya, Taufik Kiemas, mengadakan jamuan makan malam kenegaraan untuk 
menghormati Presiden dan Ny Milka Mesic di Istana Negara, Jakarta. 
 
Slijede najzanimljivije crtice iz Franjevicevog dnevnika, kronoloski: 
 
1. Subota, 9. veljace. Let za Singapur pa za Yogyakartu. 
2. Nedjelja, 10. veljace. Umjetnici su bili smjesteni privatno. Vlado 
Franjevic kod obitelji Suwarna Wisetrotomoa, profesora i docenta na 
Akademiji, lektora i likovnog kriticara. 
3. Ponedjeljak, 11. veljace. Izlazak, upoznavanje grada sa indonezijskim 
domacinima. 
4. Utorak, 12. veljace. Imlek – kineska Nova godina. Ucenje prvim 
indonezijskih rijeci. Primitak pozivnice od Veleposlanstva RH u Jakarti. 
Kupnja platna. Fauzie ce se pobrinuti za okvire, napinjanje i grundiranje 
platna. Franjevic ce se truditi i slikati. 
5. Srijeda, 13. veljace. Posjet najvecem i najznacajnijem indonezijskom 
budistickog svetistu Borobodur. Posjet Muzeju i galeriji Widajat te naknadno 
rucak priredjen u cast dolaska Liechtensteinaca. Taj muzej je osnovao jedan 
od najznacajnijih modernih indonezijskih likovnih majstora, i danas - u 
njegovoj 83. godini zivota - aktivni Hagi Widajat. Audijencija kod dr. Oei 
Hong Djiena, jednog od najznacajnijih indonezijskih kolekcionara umjetnosti. 
6. Cetvrtak, 14. veljace. Posjet Muzeju u kojem ce biti organizirana izlozba 
nakon zavrsetka likovnih radionica. Franjevic je, boraveci u izlozbenom 
prostoru, znao da ce svoju primarnu ideju s kojom je dosao ovdje prilagoditi 
izlozbenom prostoru. Tako ce poslije nastati njegova instalacija. Entang 
Wiharso, jedan od najvaznijih indonezijskih umjetnika mladje generacije i 
njegova supruga Christine, jedna Amerikanka, stajali su svakodnevno na 
raspolaganju umjetnicima iz Liechtensteina. Vijest o dolasku Hrvatskog 
predsjednika u tisku. 
7. Petak, 15. veljace. Audijencija kod Rektora Akademije prof.dr. I Made 
Bandema u Akadamiji. CroWorldNet informirao me putem interneta o prvoj 
zlatnoj Janicinoj medalji. 
8. Subota, 16. veljace. Franjevic je poceo raditi na svojem “Plus-minus” 
projektu obradjivajuci drvene elemnte u Entangovu ateljeu. Zajednicki posjet 
prodajnom centru Matahari Galleria u sredistu Yogyakarte te restauranta Adem 
Ayam gdje se jedu originalna jela iz Yogyakarte. Pisanje postanskih karti. 
Obavijest da su platna pripremljena za slikanje. 
9. Nedjelja, 17. veljace. Vlado se probudio sa otecenim desnim ocnim kapkom 
i podocnjakom pa otisao oslikavati platna kod Fauziea. Veselio se svojem radu. 
10. Ponedjeljak, 18. veljace. Franjevievo je lice poprilicno “demolirano”. 
Uslijed ugriza pauka kako mu je receno kasnije u bolnici. Entang je sve 
skupa odvezao u Akademiju gdje su umjetnici predstavili same sebe i svoje 
projekte okupljenim studentima. Za Franjevicev projekt zainteresiralo se 
prvo tri studenta i jedna studentica a poslije se istoj grupi prikljucila 
jos jedna studentica. Poimence su to Deni Rahman, Eko Nugroho, Nur Joko, 
Puspitasari Prima i Theresia. 
11. Utorak, 19. veljace…. 
12. Srijeda, 20. veljace…. 
13. Cetvrtak, 21. veljace…. 
Ponedjeljak, 11. ozujka. Povratak u Liechtenstein. Nakon 16 sati leta 
dijagnoza: Tromboza! 
 
Vlado Franjevic je misljenja da ga je ovaj boravak i zajednicki nastup sa 
kolegama iz Liechensteina u Indoneziji obogatio sa jednim iskustvom koje ce 
pamtiti i novim prijateljstvima te se veseli jednom ponovnom susretu sa 
istim ljudima koji su mu u toj drugacijoj kulturi nesebicno stajali na 
raspolaganju i trudili se udovoljiti svim njegovim potrebama. Zahvaljuje se 
posebno kolegi Fauzieu, Vladi Knezevine Liechtenstein i Savjetodavnom tijelu 
iste Vlade, poduzetnistvu Swarovski u Liechtensteinu te svojoj obitelji i 
svima onima koji ce naci za shodno ovu vijest prosiriti. U ime jedne 
legende. 
 
Najsrdacnije pozdravlja i zahvaljuje se na paznji 
 
Yvonne Heeb Franjevic 
 
 
P.S. O detaljima ovog radnog boravka moci ce se najvjerojatnije vec u skoro 
vrijeme citati na Njemackom u Franjevicevom putopisno-dokumentarno-lirskom 
zapisu oblikovanom u manju knjigu, sa bogatom foto-dokumentacijom. 
 
 
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» (E) "Evil" Syntactical Minimalism
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Politics | Unrated
 
"Nacionalizam je grobar imperijalizma" 
 
Onward and Upward 
By George F. Will 
Tuesday, March 12, 2002; Page A21 
 
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A11063-2002Mar11.html 
 
Throughout the six months since Sept. 11, Americans, who have a sociological 
itch and a psychoanalytic bent, have examined themselves for signs that, as 
was said immediately after the attacks, "everything has changed." Actually, 
almost everything is almost always very much as it was six months earlier. 
But since the attacks, there have been some welcome changes, manifested in 
many things, from rhetoric to music to manners to reading. 
 
President Bush's rhetorical style -- syntactical minimalism: Midland, Tex., 
meets MBA-speak -- is what it was before Sept. 11, but it suits the new 
sobriety. Were Bush to attempt the Ciceronian flourishes of John Kennedy 
("Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though 
arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are . . .") it 
would be like Handel played on a harmonica. Bush's terseness is Ernest 
Hemingway seasoned by John Wesley. 
 
His promiscuous use of the word "evil" is partly an unself-conscious 
expression of his religiosity. But he also uses "evil" for a policy purpose 
similar to Ronald Reagan's in calling the Soviet Union the "evil empire" and 
"the focus of evil in the modern world." 
 
Reagan intended to re-moralize foreign policy, which had been de-moralized 
by detente, which Reagan believed had demoralized Americans. Bush 
understands that the heat from burning jet fuel made the national mind akin 
to hot wax -- malleable. Gone is the judgment that "judgmentalism" is 
intolerant, hence intolerable. Gone, too, is the intelligentsia's consensus 
that the only absolute is relativism -- the doctrine that all values are 
mere "social constructs," hence equally arbitrary and evanescent. Since 
Sept. 11, America's mind is no longer so open that everything of value falls 
out. 
 
Soon after Sept. 11, Wal-Mart's shelves held Little Patriots Diapers, 
spangled with little blue stars. Americans are not only virtuosos of 
marketing, they are famously patriotic. Nationalistic, too. Patriotism is 
love of one's country; nationalism is the assertion of national superiority. 
Nationalism is the rejection of cultural relativism, the basis of 
"multiculturalism." Hence nationalism is anathema to the avant garde. 
 
It is axiomatic that everything changes except the avant garde, which in 
America is frozen in an adversarial pose toward the nation beyond the campus 
gates. But who cares? It has been 40 years since the Kennedy administration 
was stocked with academics chattering about a confluence of the Charles and 
Potomac rivers. Sept. 11 sealed the self-marginalization of the adversarial 
academy. 
 
The world has moved onward and, for now, upward, as Terry Teachout, the 
distinguished music critic, discovered in an epiphany at a Manhattan 
McDonald's. There a radio was playing music, and the music was neither rock 
nor rap. It was Diana Krall, the jazz singer, elegantly rendering "The Look 
of Love." 
 
"Beauty," Teachout wrote in early January, "is becoming fashionable again." 
Which means it has become mentionable again. The idea of beauty was another 
casualty of the silly socialization -- "Everything is relative" -- of the 
idea of relativity in physics. Beauty, like truth, was declared "relative," 
meaning "socially conditioned" and a matter of opinion. Then, says Teachout, 
came Sept. 11's brutal reminder "that some things aren't a matter of 
opinion." 
 
When Teachout wrote that, Krall's "The Look of Love" was eighth on 
Amazon.com's list of best-selling CDs. Two months later it is still high on 
the list, at 15th. It includes such standards as "S'Wonderful," "Cry Me a 
River" and "I Get Along Without You Very Well." 
 
Are standards out of date? Certainly. They always are out of date. That, 
says playwright Alan Bennett, is why we call them standards. 
 
Chippendale-style furniture, crystal chandeliers and the wearing of suits on 
no-longer-quite-so-casual-Fridays are back in fashion. To the lingering 
1960s sensibility, formality, decorousness and etiquette seemed 
authoritarian. Since Sept. 11 they seem respectful and reassuring. 
 
The New York Times bestseller list includes two hefty biographies of dead 
white males, David McCullough's "John Adams," already a bestseller before 
Sept. 11, and Edmund Morris's study of Teddy Roosevelt, "Theodore Rex." 
Perhaps Sept. 11 strengthened the public's immunity to the theory of many 
academic historians ("history from the bottom up" or "history with politics 
left out") that any biography -- other than of, say, a midwife in 
14th-century Barcelona -- is reactionary because it suggests that some 
people matter more than others in the human story. 
 
These have been six difficult months for diversity-mongers who preach that 
America is a mere "mosaic" -- coagulated groups rather than united 
individuals. And difficult months for the "everything is just a matter of 
opinion" chorus. These have been good months. 
 
© 2002 The Washington Post Company 
 
Gorge Will je i prije razumno pisao o nacionalizmu, na primjer u WP od 11. 
kolovoza 1991. : 
 
"Nu u moderno doba, demokracija pretpostavlja nacionalizam. Nacionalizam je 
osjecaj zajednicke sudbine baziranoj na zajednickoj povijesti i civilnoj 
kulturi unutar odredjena podrucja. Ukljucuje pozitivan ponos--preferenciju 
za bastinjenu tradiciju i mjesne posebnosti. Kao sto pise Noel Malcolm, 
demokracija je vladavina naroda, a nacionalizam je preduvjet za oblikovanje 
naroda. Ruzno je, kaze, od diplomata iz nezavisnih drzava dijeliti lekcije 
porobljenim narodima u Sovjetskomu Savezu i Jugoslaviji o nepozeljnosti 
nacionalne nezavisnosti. 
 
Demokracija je postala moguca kada su razliciti narodi postigli nacionalne 
radije nego vjerske ili dinasticke lojalnosti. Demokracija moze napredovati 
u staroj sovjetskoj sferi samo kad cvjetaju nacionalizmi, koji su bili dugo 
potiskivani od anti-nacionalnih ideologija." 
 
Nacionalizam je grobar imperijalizma i imperijalnih tvorevina. To 
imperijalisti ne mogu nacionalizmu nikad oprostiti. 
 
(ra) 
 
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» (E) Europe's Battle of Wills in the Balkans
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Politics | Unrated
 
This curious item just flopped into my inbox. It correctly recognises the French mentality. As far as I am aware, the UK does not give a toss either way. Indeed, given Croatian-USA military links, the UK is a possible ally in all this (as the article says in its 'proxy' remarks). But! it seems Zagreb takes the French view, so such possibilities with the USA/UK cannot be explored. The possibilities for Croatian success are there, painfully within reach... and being ignored. 
Brian 
  
Europe's Battle of Wills in the Balkans 
Stratfor 6 March 2002 
Summary 
 
As Europe looks to unify its foreign and defense policy, the first test will be in the Balkans, where historical allegiances run deep. A geopolitical tug-of-war between Europe's two major powers -- Germany and France -- will make unity hard to come by in the region. Germany will likely win the battle for influence, but at the cost of regional stability. 
 
Analysis 
 
Several European papers reported March 4 that a French Army captain in Bosnia helped tip off former Bosnian Serb leader and alleged war criminal Radovan Karadzic about a NATO capture operation Feb. 28. NATO officials dismissed the report as "pure speculation" March 5, though the alliance has begun an inquiry, the New York Times reports. 
 
The allegation -- even if erroneous -- casts a pall over attempts by the European Union to formulate a coherent foreign policy in the Balkans. It also highlights a complicated dynamic in which various players -- including the United States, Germany, France, Great Britain and Turkey -- pursue various and often contradictory goals in the region. With the United States committed to disengaging from the Balkans, Germany will emerge as the dominant power in there and, by extension, in European defense policy. 
 
Even with Germany at the helm, a lack of European unity could tempt some ethnic groups to exploit policy divisions, hoping to destabilize the region again to their advantage. This could put Europe's two main powers, France and Germany, directly at odds -- hardly a recipe for unity. 
 
Historically, the Balkans have been a bellwether for European security issues. That has not changed: Today, the region is both an example of the need for greater security cooperation in Europe and evidence of the national priorities that make such cooperation so difficult. 
 
The current struggle for influence over the region is rooted in history. Germany has always been closer to Croatia and Slovenia, and former Chancellor Helmut Kohl's early recognition of their break from Yugoslavia helped to precipitate the Balkan wars of the 1990s. France has historically been aligned with the Serbs and the region's orthodox Slavs. 
 
This history makes the allegation of a French officer leaking capture plans to the Bosnian Serbs more believable than would otherwise be the case. This does not mean the accusation is true -- or even if it is, that the officer acted with either the knowledge or complicity of French intelligence or government officials. 
 
It does, however, fuel the view that French policy is biased in favor of the Serbs, as do other recent incidents. In December, a French officer was convicted of treason for leaking NATO's bombing plans targeting Belgrade during the Kosovo crisis. The officer said he was acting on orders from French intelligence, but Paris claimed he acted alone. Also, a spokesman for a French peacekeeping contingent in the region was removed from duties in 1998 after leaking details of two earlier operations to capture Karadzic, the BBC reported March 4. 
 
The facts in the most recent case are sketchy. Several European papers cited an unnamed U.S. diplomat as saying that British intelligence intercepted a cell phone call from a French Army captain to a Bosnian policeman early Feb. 28. The captain reportedly warned him to "pay attention to Foca," the town were the operation was launched. This message was passed on to Karadzic's bodyguards, allowing him to sneak across the border into Montenegro just as a NATO peacekeeping force prepared to launch the capture mission. 
 
The NATO alliance's swift move to defuse the situation and quash the allegations is not surprising. The United States is eager to finally hand the Balkan quagmire over to Europe so it can pursue the broader war against international terrorism. Though this war will certainly intersect with the Balkans -- requiring distinct U.S. intelligence operations -- Washington does not want its forces or resources tied down in Europe's backyard. 
 
Theoretically, Washington's desire creates an opportunity for the EU to spread its foreign policy wings. Both Spain, which currently holds the rotating EU presidency, and EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana are pushing to have the EU take over NATO's current mission in Macedonia. This would allow the EU to put teeth into its Union-wide security policy by actually deploying joint military forces. 
 
In reality, Europe is probably not prepared to take over peacekeeping operations in the Balkans. Europe's credibility as an objective overseer is low in the region, and incidents like the botched Karadzic operation undermine that credibility further. These problems will be exacerbated by the structure of a European defense force that is still based as much on balancing national representation as on functionality. Will a Macedonian trust a German-led force? Will a Kosovar Albanian trust a French-led force? Historical allegiances will make it difficult for Europe to act as one. 
 
More important, Balkan states are themselves tools of a bigger geopolitical game between the major European players. 
 
Germany is seeking to reassert itself at the center of Europe, and the Balkans play a big part in that strategy. It is an area where Germany can expand its military reach without frightening either itself or its neighbors. Berlin also would like to build on its ties with Slovenia, Croatia, Albania, Bosnia and Bulgaria to pull both southern and eastern Europe under its wing as the EU expands. Berlin has several tools to entice Balkan governments: access to Europe's largest market, huge amounts of aid and investment, military training, weapons and technology. It is also much more closely connected to Balkan trade routes than France or the United Kingdom. 
 
France, by comparison, is relatively powerless, but it is not ready to cede the Balkans to German domination. Therefore it must rely on its historical linkages and clever diplomacy to maintain power. Paris will look to Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Romania to help counterbalance German ambitions. 
 
As a result, Germany and France are likely to be on the opposite sides of any number of regional policy issues. 
 
Other powers are at work here as well. Though it is far enough removed in geographic terms to get too involved in the Balkans, Britain likely will continue to serve as the U.S. proxy in the region. Washington's goals align more closely with those of Germany than of France, and so will London's. 
 
Though Russia has tight historical connections to Serbia, it has lost sway in the Balkans over the last half-decade. Not only is it no longer in a position to team up with France, it is much more concerned about developing closer economic ties to Europe through Germany. Yugoslavia is simply not a high geopolitical priority for Russia anymore. 
 
Turkey, meanwhile, perpetually seeks to make itself indispensable to Europe. It has cultural and religious connections with Albania and Bosnia that it may use as leverage to become more involved in European policy. Turkey will become an increasingly important player in the Balkans. 
 
A Balkan tug-of-war between France and Germany could lead to even greater regional instability, with ethnic groups seeking to take advantage of the divide. History has too clearly demonstrated the damage that a small spark in the Balkan tinderbox can do. However, it may take another real crisis before European leaders truly begin to act in concert in this region. 
* * * * * 
Copyright © 2002 Strategic Forecasting LLC. All rights reserved. 
 
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» (E) Power of words, images and music
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Politics | Unrated
 
Dear all, 
 
Here is an interesting article on how the US is upgrading its PR capability. Perhaps something Croatia could learn from. 
 
regards 
Sanja 
**** 
Financial Times London 
US focuses on winning propaganda war 
By Miranda Green 
Published: March 12 2002 19:04 | Last Updated: March 12 2002 20:40 
 
While US forces are fighting with 21st century armaments, the government's propaganda warriors have sometimes been using techniques more suited to the cold war. Now the White House wants to see America's public relations operation become as modern and sophisticated as its military technology. 
 
The Pentagon's most high profile contribution so far to the war on terrorism has been the Office for Strategic Influence (OSI) - a unit set up after September 11 and killed off by bad publicity over proposals to spread disinformation via the foreign media. 
 
Rival government press officers have been delighted by its demise, suspicious of defence department personnel. "These people are stuck in the fifties - they know nothing about the world beyond the US," said one. 
 
That criticism seems to be borne out by the Pentagon's account of the OSI's ideas for influencing public opinion overseas - pro-America broadcasts and leaflet drops. 
 
But an energetic updating of America's overall public relations strategy, led by the White House, is now being carried out in parallel to the military and diplomatic moves. 
 
The White House and State Department are considering how to improve the US image in Muslim nations. It is partly about finding the right message and partly working out how to apply the techniques of modern information warfare to the global fight against terrorism. For the message, the buzzwords are "shared values". 
 
Senior public affairs officials believe that at base the hostility is based on ignorance. "Those who don't like America don't know America," says one. 
 
The problem, according to both government strategists and Arab journalists - and confirmed by the pollsters - is that the outside world believes that exported films and television shows give a true picture of life in America: violent, immoral and materialistic, with no respect for tradition or religion. 
 
All three groups have started to talk about how the government could start playing up the "real" America - which means the socially conservative America. Just look, says Gallup, at how many Americans are anti-homosexual and anti-abortion and how many have deeply held Christian beliefs. 
 
According to State Department spokesman Richard Boucher, "a lot of the values that we hold as Americans are, in fact, reflected by others overseas, and there is a connection to be made there that we have not effectively made". 
 
One way to break down mistrust may be to bring representatives of the Muslim world's media to the US and let them see for themselves. The State Department has begun an exchange programme for journalists which has allowed, for example, an Egyptian network to follow an Arab US citizen's campaign to be elected mayor of his small town in New Jersey. More such experiments to put ordinary American life on display are planned, some using expatriates and immigrants from the Islamic world. 
 
Meanwhile, more traditional media methods are being pursued but with mixed results. Voice of America is developing a new Arabic radio service, to be called the Middle East Radio Network. 
 
Charlotte Beers, the high-profile Madison Avenue executive appointed by Secretary of State Colin Powell to design advertisements promoting America, has yet to unveil her product. 
 
Ads already rolled out on US television, showing happy Muslim pupils in American schools, were "too sugary" for export: insiders say it is hard to get the professionals to appeal to a non-domestic audience. 
 
The White House has decided to continue the central co-ordination imposed by their communications staff during the Afghanistan campaign in October: the Coalition Information Centre (CIC) is becoming a permanent fixture - probably with an increased role and more responsibility and perhaps more press centres across the globe. Currently, operations are passed from time zone to time zone between London, Washington, and Islamabad. 
 
"We have had short-term success but there is potentially decades of work to do," says Jim Wilkinson, who runs the Washington end. He hopes for a more "comprehensive strategy" to emerge. That, he says, means being constantly aware that each speech, each diplomatic visit, has a variety of audiences who need to be pleased. 
 
The CIC maintains it has provided Arab media outlets with about 100 key "principals" or "talking heads" since October for the allies to explain what the war on terrorism is about. 
 
It believes that one of the ways to re-engage the sympathies of the Muslim world will be to promote the eventual rebuilding of Afghanistan as an improvement in the lives of ordinary Afghans. Some even say that changing opinion abroad should be tackled before the military prosecution of the war on terrorism widens. 
 
 
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» (H) Strategija razvoja u strategiju Vlade
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Politics | Unrated
 
Strategija razvoja Hrvatske se pretvara u strategiju Vlade 
 
Rezime dvogodisnje vladavine Vlade Ivice Racana 
 
Izbori su dobiveni na osnovu obecanja, i hrvatski narod je izabrao Vas. Obecali ste ako dodete na vlast da ce te: Izvrsit i reviziju pretvorbe. Donijeti novi zakoni o privatizaciji. Odvojiti zakonodavnu, sudsku i izvrsnu vlast. Uvesti vladavinu prava i socijalne pravde. Procesuirati kriminalce. Vratiti iznesenih iz Hrvatske cca 30 milijardi dolara, po americkim podacima 19 milijardi dolara. Smanjiti birokraciju. Ocistiti policiju, sudstvo i upravu od stranacke pripadnosti. Zaposliti profesionalce. Na svim mjestima podobne zamijeniti sposobnima. Smanjiti nezaposlenost i otvoriti novih 200.000 radnih mjesta. Vratiti dug umirovljenicima. Znanosti i skolstvo dati mjesto koje oni zasluzuju u suvremenu drustvu. Porodiljama dati veca prava kako bi se popravio natalitet. Mladima dati posao i ukljuciti ih u sve tokove drzavne vlasti. Sve to pod parolom bolje svima a ne samo njima ( Misleci na HDZ i njihovu vlast ). Narod povjerovao dao glas za svoj spas. Pola mandata je proslo od obecanog ostala su obecanja. Doduse bolje svima a ne samo njima vise nitko ne spominje jer su svi zamijenjeni njima. Hrvatski Narod uvijek vjeruje svojoj vlasti. Vjerujemo da je trebalo dvije godine da se stvore uvjeti za ostvarenje obecanog. Sada kada su postavljeni stranacki ljudi na sva radna mjesta, kada je osiguran radni prostor, dobili opremu i privilegije. Pocet ce se sa radom i izvrsenjem danog obecanja hrvatskom Narodu, koja se iz opravdanog razloga do sada nisu mogla ispunjavati. Sada ce se poceti redom od preustroja Hrvatske drzave tako da u Hrvatskoj vise nece biti 21 zupanija nego 4. Nece birokrati moci raditi sto ih volja. Doci ce do trodiobe vlasti na zakonodavnu, sudsku i izvrsnu. Sada se nece cekati po nekoliko desetina godina na rjesenje sudskih sporova i na njihovu zastaru. Smanjit ce se sudska taksa kako bi ljudi svoja prava mogli besplatno zastititi. Vratit ce se u Hrvatsku novac koji je iz Hrvatske iznesen. Mi cemo to sami vratiti, 12 milijardi cemo vratiti sve dugove koje Hrvatska ima i ostat ce nam 7 milijardi dolara za svaki slucaj neka se nade. Nas Predsjednik gospodin Stjepan Mesic imao je pravo kada je rekao necemo mi dati Americi da vrate nase dolare mi cemo to sami vratiti. Cista racunica 30 % to je puno zasto to dati nekome kada smo mi sposobni sve sami napraviti. Vjerujemo da ce svako predsjednicko putovanje van hrvatske kao i drugih visokih duznosnika Republike Hrvatske uroditi plodom i mi cemo vratiti nase novce. Vise nam nece trebati MMF ni drugi strani krediti. Sada ce porodilje dobiti posebne povlastice kako bi se stimulirao njihov rad i odgoj djece, da ne bi nas natalitet dosao u pitanje. Studenti ce dobiti veci djecji doplatak i roditelji ce imati stimulaciju da skoluju svoju djecu. Procesuirat ce se sve kriminalne radnje od pretvorbe do svih drugih kriminala i kriminalaca koji do sada nisu procesuirani. Donijet ce zakon kojim kriminal ako je izvrsen u pretvorbi ne zastarijeva. ( Jer se radi o kriminalu protiv hrvatskog naroda ). Zamijenit ce podobne sa sposobnima. Uspostavit ce se istinska suradnja sa hrvatskim gradanima koji zive diljem svijeta. Donijet ce zakon o pretvorbi koji se nece stimulirat kriminal, mito i korupciju. Uskoci ce rijesiti mito i korupciju u Hrvatskoj tako da Hrvatska nece biti medu najkorumpiranijim zemljama svijeta. 
 
Nece zupanije dobiti milione i milione kuna pod nazivom unapredenje gospodarske djelatnosti, koje stranka na vlasti podjeli svojim simpatizerima i tako kupuju glasove za svoju stranku i osigurava sebi ponovnu pobjedu sa iducim izborima. A od unapredenja gospodarstva ne bude nista. Svi ce biti na trzistu pa tko umije njemu dvije. Zakoni ce se uskladiti sa evropskim zakonima i stimulirati rad i proizvodnju bez koje nema ozivljavanja gospodarstva. Nece biti kao sto je sada da se nista ne isplati proizvoditi, jer se u startu pocinje sa gubitkom. Necemo kao do sada svake godine prodavati nacionalno bogatstvo pojesti ga kako bi dobro zivjeli. 
 
Vratit cemo nase milijarde dolara iz svijeta i Hrvatska ce opet biti zemlja reda, rada i bogatstva. Ministar Cacic ima pravo kada kaze da mladi idu vani, dok se oni vrate Vlada ce stvoriti uvjete za normalan zivot i posao za mlade. Za sposobne ce biti osiguran posao jer ce Vlada Republike Hrvatske podobne zamijeniti sposobnima. 
 
Za sve to Vladi gospodina Ivice Racana treba dati jos dvije godine da zavrse mandat. Kako stvari sada stoje u prvoj polovini mandata su ispunili sve obaveze prema sebi, a u drugoj polovici mandata ce poceti ispunjavati obecanje dato Narodu. 
 
Naravno ako im ovaj mandat bude dovoljan, ako ne onda im narod treba dati onoliko mandata koliko im treba da ispune svoje obecanje. Ako im Narod ne da vise mandata onda oni nisu krivi sto svoja dana obecanja nisu ispunili. Pokojni predsjednik Tudman je rekao: «Narod dobro zivi ali mu nema tko to dokazati». Racan kaze: «Vlada koje sam ja na celu dobro radi, ali to narodu nema tko dokazati.» 
 
               Izgleda da Racan zna sto Narodu treba dokazati, ali nema tko to dokazati. Narod nikako da shvati da je za sve sam kriv, Hvala bogu da narod sve brzo zaboravlja i sretan je sto sa njime vladaju ljudi koji vladaju i kako vladaju. Zasto bi ova vlada bila drugacija kada im je i ovako mnogo bolje nego su mogli i zamisliti. Barem je tako do sada, dok konkretna obecanja nisu dosla na red. Doduse jos se rasprodaje obiteljsko srebro po starom receptu prodaje posto zasto bitno da se proda i tako nista ne vrijedi. Ako se ne moze prodat onda se ide po receptu dubrovacke banke. Porezni obveznici plate 2,6 milijarde kuna i ranija vrijednost objekta i druge imovine cca 1 milion kuna. Ukupno cca 3.6 milijarde kuna. Ministar financija gospodin Mate Crkvenac sve to proda za 260 miliona kuna. Sav sretan kako je kao dobar trgovac dobro prodao. Tako cemo se rijesiti nacionalne imovine i zaboravit cemo tu mrsku rijec nacionalnu i nacionalizam sa kojim imamo lose iskustvo. 
 
Nasa Vlada nece dozvoliti da hrvatski Narod bude sluga u vlastitoj kuci. Naci ce oni rjesenja zato im trebamo dati vremena i onoliko mandata koliko im treba da ispune dana obecanja. Tko ce prezivjeti to nije bitno, ali oni koji prezive ceka med i mlijeko, pravo blagostanje. Hrvatska ce biti raj na zemlji. «U nadi je spas». Nada zadnja umire. Sve ide po planu i dogovoru sve se uklapa u strategiju Vlade koja je pocela od sebe i «Bog je najprije sebi bradu stvorio, pa tek onda svijetu podijelio». Strategiju razvoja Hrvatske drzave vise nitko i ne spominje. Strategija razvoja Hrvatske se pretvara u strategiju Vlade. Strategiju ce raditi netko drugi, jednog lijepog dana a mozda i prije. 
 
Zivila Vlada na celu sa Ivicom Racanom. 
 
Porec, 19.02.2002. god. 
                                                                                                         Niko Soljak - Porec 
 
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» (H) U SVEDSKU U 60 DANA OTISLO 250 OBITELJI
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Politics | Unrated
 
Ljuba Djikic, Vecernji list (www.vecernji-list.hr), 9. ozujka 2002. 
ISELJAVANJE HRVATA: U SVEDSKU U 60 DANA OTISLO 250 OBITELJI 
 
Cim stignu putovnice za djecu, putujemo u Svedsku. Nista nas u tome, osim 
vise sile, ne moze sprijeciti. Nasa je odluka konacna. Nemamo sto izgubiti, 
a mozda dobijemo! - tim rijecima docekao nas je Mladen Mioc, 40-godisnjak iz 
Suice. U velikoj novoizgradjenoj kuci s poslovnim prostorima, uz magistralnu 
cestu Suica - Kupres, Mladen zivi sa suprugom Smiljom i troje djece - 
Darijem (12 godina), Igorom (10) i Majom (3). Iako se pretpostavljalo da se 
u Svedsku iz BiH iseljavaju samo nezaposleni, prica Miocevih to opovrgava. 
 
- Radim na benzinskoj crpki i, kao vecina ovdasnjih radnika, nisam 
prijavljen. Ne krivim za to vlasnika jer sam mu zahvalan sto me uopce 
zaposlio. Sa 500 KM, kolika mi je mjesecna zarada, ne mogu uzdrzavati 
obitelj. Kucu mi je izgradio otac, a i sad, kad god je potrebno, priskoci mi 
u pomoc. Medjutim, kakva je moja buducnost ovdje? Cetrdeset mi je godina, 
volim raditi, bio sam cetiri godine u ratu, pa sam poslije nesto radio, a 
nemam ni radni staz, ni zdravstveno osiguranje. Placu potrosim samo na to da 
sina dvaput odvedem u Split na lijecnicki pregled zbog problema s vidom. 
Gdje su sve ostale potrebe peteroclane obitelji? Djeca mi dobro uce, no 
kakva je njihova buducnost, kako cu ih skolovati? I kako cu docekati starost 
bez mirovine, osiguranja, bez ustedjevine? O svemu sam dobro promislio i 
shvatio da mi je jedini izlaz odlazak u inozemstvo. Hvala Bogu sto mi se 
pruzila prilika otici u Svedsku - prica Mladen uz odobravanje supruge. 
 
VJERUJEMO U ONO STO KAZU PRIJATELJI KOJI SU VEC TAMO 
Obitelj Mioc nije osamljena u svojoj odluci o preseljenju u Svedsku. Samo u 
dva posljednja mjeseca u tu se zemlju uselilo vise od 250 hrvatskih obitelji 
iz BiH, a samo iz HB zupanije oko 40 obitelji. Oni koji su vec stigli u 
Svedsku javljaju rodjacima, susjedima i prijateljima da su dobro smjesteni, 
da im je u toj zemlji sve osigurano, da su im obecani azil, zaposlenje, 
skolovanje djece... 
 
- Uzaludni su pozivi politicara neka ne idemo, izjave iz svedskoga 
veleposlanstva u BiH da necemo dobiti azil. Mi vise vjerujemo onome sto 
cujemo od prijatelja koji su vec tamo - kazu Mioci i poimence nam navode 
obitelji iz Kupresa, Bugojna i Suice koje su vec u Svedskoj, te oko 20 
obitelji samo iz Suice koje se spremaju preseliti u Svedsku kad "srede 
papire". 
 
Mioci kazu da su pokusali u Suici u vlastitoj kuci otvoriti gostionicu i 
trgovinu, ali nije islo. Zeljeli su poceti i s farmom krava, predali zahtjev 
za kredit, ali vise nemaju strpljenja jer sumnjaju da ce dobiti taj kredit. 
- Kredite ce, kao i dosad, dobiti oni koji nadju dobru vezu i potplate je, a 
mi novca nemamo - kazu Smilja i Mladen, dok njihova trogodisnja kci stalno 
ponavlja kako ide u Svedsku, te ce ondje biti pjevacica i kupit ce puno 
cokolada i banana. Mioca ljuti kad politicari govore da mnogi u Svedsku 
odlaze iz avanturizma. 
 
- Ne znam bi li normalan, obiteljski covjek bez potrebe otisao i iz svoga 
sela, a kamoli nekamo daleko. Ne, mi nismo gladni, ali zar je sva hrana u 
kruhu!? - kazu Mioci dok nas ispracaju, zamisljeni zbog neizvjesnosti koja 
ih ceka. 
 
Ostale obitelji u Suici koje smo posjetili, a takodjer se spremaju na 
odlazak u Svedsku, nisu pristale slikati se i govoriti za novine zbog 
mogucih posljedica. 
 
U vrijeme cetverogodisnjeg rata na ovim prostorima u Svedsku se uselilo, 
odnosno politicki ili humanitarni azil dobilo oko 60.000 gradjana BiH. Mnogi 
su ocekivali da ce nakon svrsetka rata prestati i iseljavanje u vecem broju, 
te da ce se iseljeni, izbjegli i prognani vratiti u svoj zavicaj. Na zalost, 
u sedam poratnih godina vise se gradjana BiH iselilo nego sto se vratilo. 
Prema podacima koje je iznio kardinal Vinko Puljic, u sest posljednjih 
godina iz BiH se iselilo oko 130.000 Hrvata. Otisli su uglavnom u 
prekooceanske zemlje. U posljednja dva mjeseca iseljavanje Hrvata iz HB 
zupanije u Svedsku poprima razmjere epidemije, a lijek za nju jos se ne 
trazi. Ovih se dana oglasila i gospodja Kajsa Netz, prva tajnica svedskoga 
veleposlanstva u BiH zaduzena za migracije. Kaze kako joj je poznato da se 
hrvatske obitelji iz BiH iseljavaju u Svedsku. Ne traze vize u 
veleposlanstvu, nego putuju s hrvatskom putovnicom, pa kad udju u Svedsku, 
"izgube" tu putovnicu i pokazuju BiH putovnicu, trazeci azil. 
 
BIT CE VRACENI 
U Svedskoj se upravo vodi rasprava o prijedlogu zakona o doseljavanju, ali 
svedska vlada zasad nema plan organiziranog useljavanja i 99 posto onih koji 
sada stizu u Svedsku bit ce vraceno, kaze gospodja Netz, navodeci da je u 
posljednje dvije godine 7000 gradjana BiH zatrazilo azil u Svedskoj, a 
dobilo ga je samo 500 gradjana. U svedskom veleposlanstvu demantiraju navode 
da su doseljenici u Svedsku smjesteni na sjevernom podrucju, koje je bilo 
ugrozeno cernobilskom katastrofom prije 17 godina. Po rijecima gospodje 
Netz, samo dvije godine nakon cernobilske katastrofe to je podrucje bilo 
iseljeno, a potom su se tamosnji stanovnici vratili. 
 
Iako su bile upoznate s izjavom svedskog veleposlanstva da ce biti vracene 
iz Svedske, vise od 50 osoba iz HB zupanije i proslog je vikenda, uglavnom s 
cijelim obiteljima, krenulo put Svedske. Na autobusnom kolodvoru nitko od 
njih nije se zelio slikati, niti javno govoriti o svom putu zbog mogucih 
problema. No, nekoliko njih ispunilo je obecanje da ce nam se javiti kada 
stignu u Svedsku. U telefonskom razgovoru kazali su da su nakon 27 sati 
voznje bez problema sretno stigli u Svedsku. Lijepo su prihvaceni i, nakon 
razgovora s osobama za koje pretpostavljaju da su socijalni radnici, svaka 
obitelj smjestena je u namjesteni stan ili kucu i dobila je hranu, a djeca i 
mlijeko i slatkise. Svi su dobili i nesto novca. Rekli su da ih ocekuje jos 
nekoliko razgovora. Svi se nadaju, sudeci po dobrodoslici, da ce ostati u 
Svedskoj. Neke obitelji vec su posjetili i svecenici Hrvatske katolicke 
misije u Svedskoj i uputili im rijeci ohrabrenja. To im je, kazu, puno 
znacilo. 
 
- Starija kci, zet i njihovo dvoje djece, koji su ovih dana otputovali u 
Svedsku, javili su mi da su zadovoljni prijamom, da ih nije docekala 
policija, niti su smjesteni u sabirne centre, kako sam ih ja plasila. U 
Tomislavgradu su zivjeli kao prognanici iz Bugojna, nezaposleni, bez ikakve 
nade u buducnost. Oni nisu imali izbor. Isto je i s mojom drugom kceri, pa 
ce i ona vjerojatno krenuti za sestrom. Ako se oni tamo zadrze i snadju, 
krenut cu i ja za njima. Devet smo godina prognanici, u Bugojno se jos ne 
mozemo vratiti, povremeno ovdje nesto radimo, ali bez staza, osiguranja, 
podstanari smo... - kaze Jela, prognanica iz Bugojna. 
 
Hrvati iz BiH uvijek su se iseljavali. Nakon I. svjetskog rata odlazili su u 
Ameriku, 60-ih godina proslog stoljeca masovno su odlazili na "privremeni" 
rad u zemlje zapadne Europe, a tijekom Domovinskoga rata mnogi su se 
preselili u Republiku Hrvatsku. Je li na pocetku treceg tisucljeca Svedska 
njihova obecana zemlja? 
 
BROJ HRVATA PREPOLOVLJEN? 
Prema popisu stanovnistva u BiH iz 1991. godine, Hrvata u BiH bilo je 
760.852 ili 17,4 posto od ukupna broja stanovnika BiH. Ocekivana popisa 
stanovnistva u BiH 10 godina poslije nije bilo, niti se taj popis jos 
planira. Zato je tesko znati koliko Hrvata danas zivi na prostorima BiH, ali 
procjene, uglavnom iz crkvenih krugova, govore da ih je prema predratnom 
broju, dvostruko manje. Podaci su to nad kojima bi se trebali zamisliti svi 
odgovorni za ostanak i opstanak Hrvata u BiH. 
 
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» (E) officially, No MORE Yugoslavia
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Politics | Unrated
 
      Serbia, Montenegro Sign Accord 
      Thu Mar 14, 9:39 AM ET 
      By ALEKSANDAR VASOVIC, Associated Press Writer 
      BELGRADE, Yugoslavia (AP) - Serbia and Montenegro signed a historic accord 
      Thursday to radically restructure Yugoslavia, giving the federation a new 
      name and its republics greater autonomy to prevent the country's final 
      breakup. 
 
      The agreement, reached under mediation by the European Union (news - web 
      sites), was signed by Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica (news - web 
      sites), Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic, EU foreign policy chief 
      Javier Solana and other Serbian and Montenegrin officials. 
      The new country, consisting of two semi-independent states, will be 
      renamed Serbia and Montenegro, Kostunica said after the signing ceremony. 
      Both republics will share a defense and foreign policy, but will maintain 
      separate economies, currencies and customs services for the time being. 
      "This document sets the shape of completely new relations between the 
      states of Serbia and Montenegro," Kostunica said. "This step means a break 
      with the previous regime" of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic 
      (news - web sites). 
      "Amid the threat of disintegration in the Balkans, we are moving toward 
      integration and peace and stability in the region," he said. 
      Yugoslavia first was formed in 1918 as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and 
      Slovenes, and Montenegro gave up its statehood to join. The country was 
      occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II, then tightly controlled 
      under the communist regime of Marshal Tito for four decades after the war. 
      Yugoslavia began to unravel along ethnic lines during Milosevic's reign. 
      Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina all declared their 
      independence by 1992. 
      Serbia and Montenegro stayed together when the other republics started 
      leaving Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. But their alliance began to crumble 
      in 1997 when Djukanovic distanced himself from Milosevic and began 
      advocating independence for Montenegro. 
      Kostunica said the political accord calls for new federal elections in the 
      autumn, and that the parliaments of both republics as well as the federal 
      Yugoslav parliament would set to work on constitutional changes. The 
      country's new name will not take effect until lawmakers in all three 
      chambers ratify the accord. 
      Solana praised the agreement, saying Montenegro and Serbia "should have no 
      doubt" about the EU's support. 
      "This is an important day and a step toward the stability in the region 
      and in Europe," Solana said. "This is not the end of anything, but a 
      beginning of a new chapter that will bring you closer to the European 
      Union." 
      Djukanovic, who is likely to face an avalanche of criticism in Montenegro 
      for giving up a planned independence referendum for the small republic 
      this spring, said he expected Serbs and Montenegrins to "have a positive 
      approach toward this agreement" and predicted it would win parliamentary 
      approval. 
      The tiny Adriatic republic continued its independence drive even after 
      Milosevic's ouster in 2000. Milosevic is now on trial before the U.N. war 
      crimes tribunal in The Hague (news - web sites), Netherlands, for 
      atrocities his forces committed in the Balkans in the 1990s. 
      Branko Ruzic, the spokesman for Milosevic's Socialist Party, called the 
      event "the most shameful date in the history of the Serbs." 
      "We went to bed in one state, and we woke up in another," Ruzic said, 
      adding that the Socialists are for "preserving the current Yugoslavia." 
      Montenegro's 650,000 people remain bitterly divided on whether to remain 
      in a federation with Serbia, whose approximately 10 million people 
      effectively determine Yugoslav affairs. 
      A draft of the agreement, obtained by The Associated Press, said that 
      after three years, "the member states will be entitled to institute 
      proceedings for a change of the state status, that is, withdrawal from the 
      state union." 
      The pro-Serbian faction in Montenegro praised the agreement. 
      "The dangerous divisions in Montenegro were averted. Djukanovic stopped on 
      the brink, and we approve of this," said Dragan Soc, the leader of the 
      Montenegrin Peoples' Party. 
      Kostunica said his office as federal president would remain and that the 
      new country would have one seat in the United Nations (news - web sites), 
      just as Yugoslavia does now, although Montenegrin and Serbian officials 
      would rotate as envoys to U.N. headquarters in New York. 
      The accord was a major policy victory for the West, which has opposed 
      Montenegrin secession, fearing the breakup could encourage other 
      independence-minded groups in the region — in particular, ethnic Albanians 
      in Kosovo and Macedonia. 
      Arguing that secession also would hurt Montenegro's economy and slow down 
      the process of integrating it into mainstream Europe, the EU has been 
      pushing for a new Yugoslav constitution that would preserve a joint state 
      while granting the two republics greater self-governance. 
 
 
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» (E) Work vs. Life
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Humor And Wisdom | Unrated
 
A boat docked in a tiny Mexican village. An American tourist complimented the Mexican fisherman on the quality of his catch and asked him how long it took. "Not very long," anwered the fisherman. "But then why didn't you stay out longer and catch more," asked the American. The Mexican explained that his small catch was sufficient to meet the needs of his family. "Then what do you do with the rest of your time?" asked the American. "i sleep late, fish a little, play with my children and take a siesta with my wife. In the evenings I go into the village to see my friends, have a few drinks, play the guitar, and sing a few songs. I have a full life." 
 
The American interrupted, "I have a MBA. from Harvard and I can help you. You should start by fishing longer every day. You can then sell the extra fish you catch. With the extra revenue, you can buy a bigger boat. With the extra money the larger boat will bring, you can buy a second one and a third one and so on until you have an entire fleet of trawlers. Instead of selling your fish to a middle man, you can negotiate directly with the processing plants and maybe even open your own plant. You can then leave this little village and move to Mexico City, Los Angeles, or even New York City! From there you can direct your huge enterprise." 
 
"How long would that take?" asked the Mexican. "Twenty, perhaps twenty-five years," replied the American. "And after that?" "Afterwards? That's when it gets really interesting," answered the American, laughing. "When your business gets really big, you can start selling stocks and make millions!" "Millions? Really? And after that?" 
 
"After that you'll be able to retire, live in a tiny village near the coast, sleep late, play with your children, catch a few fish, take a siesta with your wife, and spend your evenings drinking and playing the guitar with your friends!" 
 
 
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» (E) The Atrocity Exhibit
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Culture And Arts | Unrated
 
I recommend that everyone read these articles, located at http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/0211/winter.php 
regarding the new movie with Vukovar as the backdrop, and the Serb-propaganda (the old 'mi nismo' crap) from Bogdanich. Jessica Winter's reviews are quite good. 
 
Alen 
 
Harrison's Flowers 
Directed by Elie Chouraqui 
Written by Chouraqui, Didier Le Pęcheur & Isabel Ellsen 
Universal Focus 
Opens March 15 
 
Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War 
Directed by George Bogdanich 
Pioneer 
Opens March 15  
 
Week of March 13 - 19, 2002 
 
The Atrocity Exhibit 
by Jessica Winter 
 
The wars of secession in Yugoslavia initially met with international bemusement not least because media and government agencies alike presented the conflicts as an imponderable "ethnic" quagmire, an ancient, hopeless thicket of tribal vendetta. This was hogwash, of course, but it furnished yet another ravaged backdrop for Hollywoodized war tourism: intro civics lessons-cum-survival tales, in which guileless Americans abroad are plunged into swarthy, undifferentiated chaos. After serving as the nominal launching pad for bullying patriotism in December's idiotic Behind Enemy Lines, the Balkans provide the obstacle course for the love of a good woman in Harrison's Flowers. Newsweek photojournalist Harrison (David Strathairn) is on the verge of giving up his trade for the wife and the kids and the greenhouse, but he takes one last assignment, covering the outbreak of civil war in Croatia in late 1991. When Harrison goes missing in besieged Vukovar and is presumed dead, it's up to his wife, Sarah (Andie MacDowell), to buck protocol and dive headfirst into the powder keg to rescue him. (Just as Behind Enemy Lines recalled the 1995 ordeal of a downed U.S. pilot, Harrison's Flowers bears a slight accidental resemblance to the Daniel Pearl tragedy.) Sarah goes with her gut, unencumbered by any apparent connection to her two small children or, indeed, her immediate surroundings—making a rare exit from the den where she obsessively watches TV news day and night, she's shocked to find family and friends saying kaddish for Harrison. Elie Chouraqui's film is likewise a discombobulating mix of blood-and-grit docu-realism and moony multiplex contrivance. Once Sarah arrives in Croatia and drives her rental car directly into gunfire, Chouraqui's harrowing images of smoking, corpse-littered streets would seem ripped from CNN were it not for the puzzling sight of journalists jogging through the flying bullets, shouting the gibberish phrase "Press! Press!" at soldiers. Harrison's Flowers 
Directed by Elie Chouraqui 
Written by Chouraqui, Didier Le Pęcheur & Isabel Ellsen 
Universal Focus 
Opens March 15 Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War 
Directed by George Bogdanich 
Pioneer 
Opens March 15 
 
Two of her husband's colleagues, establishment prizewinner Elias Koteas and loose-cannon snapper Adrien Brody, aid Sarah's quest, the latter saddled with delivering the film's political platform: "No one knows what this country is. . . . There are no bad guys, there are no good guys." A sentiment worthy of Warren Christopher, perhaps, but the main clash in question—the three-month assault on Vukovar by combined Yugoslav Peoples' Army forces and Serb paramilitaries—wounded or killed thousands of civilians. The carnage only further sanctifies Sarah, who cradles the dying in her arms or makes remarks like "The children are so beautiful here" when she's not crawling in camouflage through sniper territory. And yet, as she tears through the local hospital screaming her husband's name, does it occur to her that the doomed invalids she brushes past might have lovers and children and orchids too? Did it occur to the director? Covering the period between the Cold War's end through NATO's air war in Kosovo in 165 brisk, narration-heavy minutes, Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War claims to sort the bad guys from the good, which is its essential problem. Heedlessly pro-Serbian and anti-interventionist, lovingly fixated on phrases like "Clinton hard-liners" and "ad hoc war-crimes tribunal," it could make puffy fascists from Slobodan Milosevic to Pat Buchanan weep for joy. Indeed, Slobo has used clips from George Bogdanich's video doc as evidence for his defense in the Hague—which might be the movie's chief point of interest. No side was without sin in the decade-long Balkan catastrophe, but The Avoidable War (as in, the West could have avoided it) makes the breathtaking assertion that Serbia was the perpetual hapless victim, flummoxed on all sides by self-bombing upstart nationalists. (Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic is painted as a radical Islamic warrior in bed with Osama bin Laden.) Bogdanich dismisses the atrocities at Srebrenica and Serb-run prison camps as blindered media exaggerations; mass-rape victims are waved aside via one woman's inconsistent testimony. Deceptively rich with news footage and State Department talking heads, the film is akin to an overlong Fox News special—to borrow a Nation headline, they distort, they decide. 
 
Tell us what you think. 
 editor@villagevoice.com  
 
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» (E) Harrison's Flowers - film set in Vukovar
By Nenad N. Bach | Published 03/14/2002 | Culture And Arts | Unrated
 
FYI 
=============================== 
A film set in Vukovar 1991 is due out in the US shortly. Here's an early review, found at 
http://ofcs.rottentomatoes.com/click/movie-1112917/reviews.php?critic=movies 
&sortby=default&page=1&rid=294011 
 
Ante 
 
Op-ed 
Film opens on Friday march 15th across USA. Please support it. 
nb 
 
---------------------------- 
HARRISON'S FLOWERS 
Film reviewed by James Berardinelli 
France, 2000 
Director: Elie Chouraqui 
Cast: Andie MacDowell, David Strathairn, Elias Koteas, Adrien Brody, 
Brendan Gleeson 
 
Even today, with Slobodan Milosevic awaiting trial for crimes against 
humanity, most U.S. citizens understand neither the extent nor the gravity 
of the atrocities committed in the former Yugoslavia during the bloody 
revolution that turned a country into a charnel house. One reason for the 
apparent apathy is a lack of understanding - brief, horrific images on CNN 
are not conducive to grasping a situation of social, cultural, and 
political upheaval. An even greater consideration is distance. Yugoslavia 
is half a world away, and, to many people, as remote as Mars. This wasn't a 
bloodbath happening in our backyard. September 11, 2001 showed how this 
country can react to a threat that is close and immediate. Such was not the 
case in the brutal conflict between the Serbs and Croats. 
 
Harrison's Flowers personalizes the war for one New Jersey couple. The year 
is 1991. Harrison Lloyd (David Strathairn) is an award-winning Newsday 
photojournalist who has decided to retire in order to spend more time with 
his wife, Sarah (Andie MacDowell), and their two children. His editor (Alun 
Armstrong) convinces him to stay on in the short term until a replacement 
can be found. Harrison's agreement has dire consequences. His next 
assignment takes him to Yugoslavia, where the civil unrest is turning ugly. 
There, Harrison disappears and is presumed dead. But, because there is no 
body, Sarah will not accept that he is gone. So, alone and equipped with 
only a camera, she heads for the epicenter of the conflict - Vukovar - and 
quickly learns firsthand how war can turn human beings into rabid beasts. 
 
At its heart, Harrison's Flowers is a love story, albeit a graphic and 
difficult one. It shows the lengths to which a woman will go when presented 
with the slimmest of hope that her husband might still be alive. As a 
character observes, "If we could all be so lucky to have a woman love us 
that much." Sarah's journey into Yugoslavia's heart of darkness changes 
many things about her, not the least of which is her view of human nature, 
but it never shakes the core of her being. She places Harrison above her 
children and herself - finding him becomes central to her existence. If he 
has died in Vukovar, she will meet her end there as well. 
 
Although her journey starts out as a solo endeavor, she is eventually 
joined by three other journalists, all of whom knew Harrison: Americans 
Kyle (Adrien Brody) and Yeager (Elias Koteas), and Brit Stevenson (Brendan 
Gleeson). Hardened as these men are by things they have witnessed during 
previous assignments, nothing prepares them for the barbarity they 
experience as they gain firsthand knowledge of what is meant by the term 
"ethnic cleansing". Writer/director Elie Chouraqui gives us a series of 
memorable, harrowing visual cues, none of which is more disturbing that the 
shot of a dead girl, shot through the head, with dried blood caking her 
inner thighs - evidence of what was done to her before the coup de grace 
was administered. Chouraqui does not dwell on such images - merely showing 
them is enough. 
 
From a narrative standpoint, the film weakens during its final third. The 
pace becomes rushed, and the carefully developed sense of tension erodes. 
It's also around this point that a voiceover is introduced. Not having been 
used during the early acts of the film, its inclusion is jarring and 
out-of-place (even though some of the information it provides is 
interesting). Finally, while the ending brings a welcome sense of closure, 
I'm not sure that the movie earns its final scene. Chouraqui seems to be 
cheating at this point in order to provide a specific kind of conclusion. 
 
Like Michael Winterbottom's Welcome to Sarajevo, Harrison's Flowers attacks 
the Bosnian war from the perspective of outsiders. Films made about this 
part of the world during this time period generally take one of two 
approaches: drama heavily laced with black comedy and gallows humor (Pretty 
Village, Pretty Flame; Welcome to Sarajevo; No Man's Land) or 
straightforward tragedy (Vukovar). Harrison's Flowers falls into the latter 
category. There's nothing even vaguely satirical or ironic about this 
story. 
 
Despite having an English-speaking cast and several recognizable American 
stars, Harrison's Flowers was made with French money for a European 
audience. The movie opened in France more than a year ago. Current events, 
however, have given this film a new relevance, and that may generate some 
interest at the box office (although this is not seen as having mainstream 
appeal). Harrison's Flowers offers a glimpse of what happened in 1991 as 
Milosovich bulldozed his way into power over the corpses of his enemies, 
while sounding a cautionary note that, in today's shrinking world, no 
conflict is so distant that its ripples cannot be felt in our homes. 
 
© 2002 James Berardinelli 
e-mail: berardin@bc.cybernex.net 
 
 
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