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| To the Security Council of The United Nations regarding the Croatians of Bosnia-Herzegovina |
| By Darko Žubrinić |
Published
06/26/2012
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Croatian spirituality , Croatian Heroes , Human Rights , Croatians in B&H , Education , Bilingual
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Unrated
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Low blows of Carla del Ponte and a Canadian general, part 2
II.
Tužiteljstvo me uspoređuje s nacistima a moje djelovanje s holokaustom.
Pa da opišem ulogu Goeringa s kojim likom bi, po tužiteljstvu, ja trebao biti sukladan.
- Taj je Goering smjestio svoje Židove (Muslimane) u svoju vikendicu i brinuo se o njima.
- Smjestio je svoje Židove u stan u Zagrebu, hranio ih i liječio.
- Išao je na snajpersku vatru kod vojarne JNA u Grabovini kako bi spasio žene svojih neprijatelja.
- Tijelom zaštitio zarobljene vojnike JNA i brinuo se da sretno stignu svojim kućama.
- Izvukao zarobljene civile Srbe iz logora u Dretelju prijetnjom oružja. Ne sam.Logor su držali pripadnici HOS-a – pretežito Muslimani.
- Izvlačio ranjene Židove – Muslimane iz bolnice u istočnom Mostaru. Ne sam.
- Organizirao izvlačenje, prebacivanje i smještaj 15 000 Židova – Muslimana iz Stoca i Dubravske Visoravni splavom preko Neretve + 3 000 automobila. Ne sam.
- Prevezao ranjenu Muslimanku – Židovku helikopterom iz istočnog Mostara u Split. Ne sam.
- Židovsku (muslimansku) obitelj s djetetom oboljelim od leukemije preuzeo kod Uskoplja i prebacio u Split na liječenje. Omogućio im stjecanje hrvatskog državljanstva kako bi na teret hrvatskog proračuna mogli otputovati u Švicarsku na liječenje. Ne sam.
- Organizira gradnju ceste spasa za Židove – Muslimane kako bi mogli otići u drugu domovinu. Goeringovu, u Hrvatsku. Ne sam.
- Vodio ih i borio se sa Židovima – Muslimanima braneći i oslobađajući Mostar, Čapljinu, Travnik i Konjic, itd. Ne sam.
- Pustio na svoju ruku zarobljene Židove – Muslimane, zarobljene poslije sukoba u Rami – Prozoru.
- Spriječio osvetu nakon što su Židovi – Muslimani počinili zločin u Uzdolu. Ne sam.
- Isto to vrijedi i za Doljane i Grabovicu. Ne sam.
- Kad je trebalo i osobno provodio konvoje s hranom za Muslimane – Židove i konvoje s oružjem i onda kada su 3. K A BIH i 4. K A BIH i 6. K A BIH i dijelovi K A BIH krenuli protiv Goeringa na zapadne granice BIH i u luku Ploče. Nakon što su potpisali primirje sa Srbima. Ne sam.
- Itd. Itd.
- Goering – Praljkovo ponašanje u Sunji ću preskočiti.
- Takvim se ponašanjem postaje ratni zločinac sukladno logici tužiteljstva.
Tužitelj citira Goetheova „Fausta“ – o zrcalu u koje se moramo pogledati. Moji su actus reus moje ogledalo, moj smisao i moja bit, jer proizlaze iz mens rea onoga što nazivamo Slobodan Praljak.
Nažalost, suci Prandler i Trechsel odbili su prihvatiti mojih 150 svjedoka, koji svjedoče o činu i aktu i djelu optuženog Praljka, svjedoče istodobno i o općoj situaciji u kojoj su takva djela nužna, nažalost ne uvijek i dovoljna.
A nikako ne razumijem pravnu proceduru koja mi zabranjuje svjedočiti o Mladićevim dnevnicima.
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II
The Prosecution has compared me to the Nazis and my activity to the Holocaust.
Well, let me then describe the role of Goering, the character which, according to the Prosecution, I am the equivalent.
- This Goering placed his Jews (in this case Muslims) in his country cottage and took care of them.
- He put his Jews in his apartment in Zagreb. He fed them and gave them medical treatment.
- He exposed himself to sniper fire in front of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) barracks at Grabovina in order to save the wives of his enemies.
- He protected the captured JNA soldiers with his own body and saw to it that they made it to their homes safe and sound.
- He pulled out captured Serb civilians from the Dretelj Camp, although he was being threatened with weapons; not alone, though. The camp was held by Croatian Defence Forces (HOS) members, who were mostly Muslims.
- He evacuated wounded Jews (in this case Muslims) from the hospital in East Mostar; not alone, of course.
- He organised the evacuation and accommodation of 15,000 Jews (in this case Muslims) from Stolac and the Dubrava Plateau, across the Neretva, and 3,000 of their cars. He didn't do that alone, either.
- He transported a wounded Jewish women (in this case a Muslim woman) by helicopter from East Mostar to Split; not alone.
- He received a Jewish (in this case Muslim) family with a child suffering from leukaemia near Uskoplje and transported them to Split to be treated. He helped them get citizenship for the Republic of
Croatia in order to travel to Switzerland and get medical treatment at the expense of the Republic of; not alone, though.
- He organised that the Salvation Road for Jews (in this case Muslims) be built in order to be able to leave to another country, Goering's country, the Republic of Croatia. He didn't do it alone, though.
- He guided them and fought with the Jews (in this case Muslims) defending and liberating Mostar, Capljina, Travnik, Konjic and other places. He didn't do that alone either.
- He, of his own accord, let go the captured Jews (in this case Muslims) who were captured after the conflict in Rama or Prozor, and he prevented retaliation after the Jews (in this case Muslims) committed crimes in Uzdol.
- He didn't do that alone, and the same applies to Doljani and Grabovica. When necessary, he personally let through convoys transporting food for the Jews (in this case Muslims) as well as convoys with armaments, even when the 3rd Corps of the BH Army, the 4th Corps of the BH Army, the 6th Corps of the BH Army and parts of the 1st Corps of the BH Army launched an attack against Goering, against the western borders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, at the port of Ploce, after they had signed a truce with the Serbs. He didn't do that alone either, and so on and so forth.
- I'll skip Goering's - that is Praljak's - behaviour in the courtroom’
- But, all of this behaviour makes one a war criminal, according to the logic applied by the OTP.
The Prosecutor quoted Goethe's Faust, about the mirror that we should use to look at ourselves. My actus reus is my mirror, my reason for being and my very essence, because they follow from the mens rea of the one that we call Slobodan Praljak.
Unfortunately, Judges Prandler and Trechsel refused to accept my 150 witnesses who were supposed to testify about the acts and deeds of the accused Praljak, and about the general situation in which such deeds were necessary, but, unfortunately, not always sufficient.
But what I really fail to comprehend is the legal procedure that forbids me to testify about Mladic's diaries.
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III.
ŽALIM LI ŽRTVE?
Da, žalim sve nevine žrtve svih ratova.
Posebno žalim žrtve onih petstotinjak ratova poslije 1945. a dogodili su se i događaju se usprkos svim moralističkim filipikama koje svakodnevno slušamo.
Posebno žalim za svakim onim djetetom koje umre od gladi svake 4 sekunde ovoga našeg realnog vremena.
Mir u diktaturi je priprema za rat. Što duža i gora diktatura, to je više akumulirane negativne energije, to je više krvi i zla poslije.
Radilo se o Titu ili Sadamu, isto je.
I nisu krivi oni koji sruše diktatora i poslije se trude umanjiti zlo koje se javlja snagom fizičkih zakona, nego oni koji su omogućili i šutnjom produžili trajnost diktatoru.
Isto vrijedi i za Jugoslaviju poslije Tita i za Irak poslije Sadama.
Ono sto tužitelj naziva nacionalizmom, kod Hrvata je bila potreba za slobodom, i nacionalnom i građanskom.
U tom smislu ja sam hrvatski nacionalist.
Ne odričem se nacionalne politike dr. Franje Tuđmana jer je ta politika stvorila RH I omogućila opstanak BIH kao države.
Ne odričem se smisla i pravnog utemeljenja HZ-HB, izraza volje Hrvata u BIH, suverenog i konstitutivnog naroda u toj državi.
HZ HB, krhkom organiziranošću, omogućila je stvaranje HVO-a koji je 1992. obranio BIH i jug Hrvatske, a 1993. spriječio ostvarenje agresivnih planova A BIH.
A) Muslimanska politika i A BIH, nemoćni da vrate od JNA i VRS-a zauzete teritorije (dobrim dijelom i zbog moralnom ljudskom umu neshvatljivog embarga na oružje) krenula je u ofenzivu prema HVO-u.
Oslobađajući BIH od Hrvata počinili su zločine – Konjic, Čapljina, Doljani, Bugojno, Grabovica, Uzdol, itd., itd.
Činjenice su na raspolaganju i za ubijene i za protjerane i za zatvorene Hrvate.
Društveni su odnosi uzročno-posljedični a pokrenuta spirala zla ne opravdava zločin, ali bitno smanjuje mogućnost provedbe prava. Ma tko god, na papiru, bio zadužen to raditi.
Svugdje i uvijek je tako.
HVO se branio od agresije i 1992. i 1993. i 1994. a dužnost zapovjednika je ne izgubiti rat.
Moja savjest je čista.
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III
DO I REGRET THE VICTIMS?
Yes, I regret all innocent victims of all wars.
I especially regret the victims of those 500 wars or so after 1945 that have taken place and still go on, despite all moralists' speeches that we hear daily.
I especially regret every child that, in reality, dies of hunger every four seconds.
Peace in dictatorship is a preparation for war. The longer and the worst the dictatorship, the more negative energy builds up and the more blood and evil will follow later.
It doesn't matter whether we're talking about Tito or Saddam.
And those who bring down a dictator and who later try to diminish the evil that occurs according to the force of the laws of physics, but those who made possible the dictatorship and by their silence made it last longer.
The same applies to Yugoslavia after Tito as well as to Iraq after Saddam.
What the Prosecutor calls nationalism is something the Croats felt a necessity for freedom, both the freedom of the people and citizens' freedom.
In this sense, I am a Croatian nationalist.
I do not renounce the policy of Dr. Franjo Tudjman because that policy created the Republic of Croatia and made possible the survival of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state.
I do not renounce the inherent sense and point in the legal establishment of the HZ-HB, the expression of the will of the Croats in Bosnia-Herzegovina to become and remain a sovereign and constitutive people in that state.
The HZ-HB, by its frail organisational structure, made possible the creation of the HVO, which in 1992 was able to defend Bosnia-Herzegovina and the south of the Republic of Croatia in 1993, prevented the implementation of the aggressive plans of the BH Army.
Bosnian Muslim politics and the BH Army, unable to regain the territories that were occupied by the JNA and the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) – largely due to the weapons embargo implemented by the United Nations, which is incomprehensible to an ethical human mind – moved to launch a counter-offensive against the HVO. By liberating areas from Croats, they committed crimes at Konjic, Capljina, Doljani, Bugojno, Grabovica, Uzdol, and elsewhere.
The facts are plain to see for the killed, expelled and detained Croats.
Social relations are an area where the laws of cause and consequence apply, whereas the spiral of evil, once initiated, does not justify crime, but it does significantly reduce the possibility to implement the law.
No matter whose task, on paper, it may be.
It is like that, everywhere and always.
The HVO defended itself from an aggression in 1992, in 1993, and 1994, and a commander's duty is not to lose the war.
My conscience is clear.
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IV.
Sudski je proces tumačenje zakona i interpretacija činjenica.
Sudski proces je retorički i kao takav ne traži apsolutnu istinu, već istinu koja je vrlo vjerojatna (van svake razumne sumnje), kojoj se teško ili nikako ne može proturječiti.
U iznalaženju takve istine nije dovoljno znanje, već je potrebno umovanje, potreban je logos – racionalno i logično argumentiranje.
Podatci i činjenice, izjave, statistike…u argumentaciji ne znače ništa ako nisu logičnim zaključivanjem dovedeni u vezu s tvrdnjama.
Tek povezivanjem različitih znanja možemo se približiti istini.
U ovom procesu potrebna su znanja iz sociologije, sociologije rata, znanja o društvima u kojima je potpuno razorena i državna i društvena struktura, u kojima se pojedinci vraćaju u prirodno stanje, potrebna su znanja iz ratne psihologije, znanja ratnih vještina, oruđa, stvarnog sadržaja pojma vojske, itd., itd.
Moguće pogreške u interpretaciji činjenica su i vjerojatne i kobne.
a) Pretjerana i kriva redukcija pojmovnog aparata i logične povezanosti.
b) Zaključivanje na osnovu krivih pretpostavki.
c) Izbjegavanje usporedbe sličnih sustava i fenomena.
d) Lagodno (intelektualcima tako drago) izjednačavanje pojma „moći“ i pojma „htjeti“ „željeti“, i
e) Lagodno upiranje prstom u krivce što svijet nije skladan njihovoj volji i predodžbi.
Sve su to polja logičkih mogućih grešaka u konačnoj prosudbi.
Nadati je se da će se časni suci pridržavati strogih znanstvenih metoda i spoznaja.
IV. -1
U prošlom stoljeću, da ne spominjem daleku prošlost, u sudskim je procesima osuđeno više desetina milijuna ljudi.
Po zakonima rasnim (SAD, Pretorija), diktatorskim, vjerskim, nacističkim (Njemačka, Srbija, Slovačka, NDH), fašističkim (Italija), komunističkim (SSSR, Jugoslavija, Mađarska, Kina) itd i tome slično.
Sudska retorika predugo je bila pod utjecajem nerazumnih društvenih i političkih sila i zbog toga je i sama osuđivana.
Nažalost, nedovoljno.
Kako ne bi završila u moralnom beznađu, krajnje je vrijeme da postane ono što mora biti – razuman i uman proces.
Imam li se prava nadati?
IV-2
Kakvi god da jesu zakoni ovog suda, oni ne vrijede za Amerikance.
Za ostale narode vrijede zakoni stalnog suda (ICC – Međunarodni krivični sud) a ti se opet zakoni razlikuju od ovih ovdje (ICTY – Međunarodni krivični sud za bivšu Jugoslaviju), po kojima se meni sudi.
Time je ukinut važan uvjet sudske retorike a taj jest „Princip ravnopravnosti sudionika u sudskom procesu“.
Citiram PERELMANA:
„U odnosu u kojem je nejednakost bitno obilježje odnosa među ljudima, nema osnove za razuman i uman proces“.
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IV
Legal proceedings are the interpretation of laws and facts.
Trial proceedings are rhetorical, and, as such, do not seek to find the absolute truth. It seeks to find a probable truth (beyond all reasonable doubt) which can be hardly contradicted or not at all.
In an attempt to discover such truth, knowledge is not enough. One needs to ponder, one needs to apply logic, one needs to apply rational and logical argumentation.
Data, facts, statements, and statistics do not mean a thing if they are not in a logical relationship with assertions.
Through connecting various types of knowledge, we can get closer to the truth.
In these proceedings, one requires knowledge from the field of sociology, sociology of war, knowledge about societies in which state and social structures are completely destroyed, in which individuals
return to their natural state. One needs to apply knowledge from the field of war psychology as well as the knowledge of war skills, armament, and the understanding of the real purpose of the military, and so on and so forth.
Potential mistakes in the interpretation of facts are probable and disastrous:
a) exaggerated and false summation of concepts and logical connections;
b) conclusions made on the basis of false presumptions;
c) the avoidance of comparing similar regimes and phenomena;
d) arbitrary (so dear to intellectuals) equalisation of the concept of ‘able to’ and the concepts of ‘want to’ and ‘desire to’;
e) arbitrarily identifying culprits because the world is not how one wishes or conceives it to be.
These are all fields of possible logical errors in the final assessment of facts.
I sincerely hope that the honourable Trial Chamber will strictly adhere to scientific methods and knowledge.
IV - 1
In the last century, never mind history prior to that, tens of millions of people have been convicted in trial proceedings.
Pursuant to racial laws (USA and RSA), dictatorial, religious and Nazi laws (Germany, Serbia, Slovakia, the Independent State of Croatia), fascist laws (Italy), communist laws (USSR, Yugoslavia, Hungary,
China) and so on and so forth.
Court rhetoric has been under the influence of unreasonable social and political powers for too long, which is why it has been criticised.
Unfortunately, not enough.
So that it does not end up in moral despair, it is high time for court rhetoric to become what it has to be – a reasonable and rational process.
Do I have the right to hope?
IV - 2
Laws of this Tribunal may be what they are; however, they do not apply to the Americans.
For other peoples, laws of the Permanent Court apply, and those laws again differ from the laws applied here at the ICTY, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, laws which are applied
to me.
This abolishes a significant condition of the court rhetoric, which is the “principle of the equality of arms among the participants in the trial proceedings”.
And now I paraphrase Perelman:
“In a relationship where inequality significantly characterises the relationship between humans, there is no foundation for a reasonable and judicious process.”
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V.
Nisam kriv!
I ne mislim pritom na osjećaj krivnje.
Hladno, racionalno, logikom koja je kritički provjeravana desetine puta – znam da nisam kriv.
Časni suče Antonetti; ako vaša presuda bude suprotna mom zaključku, ja ću, poštujući opće načelo opovrgljivosti svakog mišljenja, zaključka ili stava, otvoreno i hrabro preispitati svoj stav o vlastitoj odgovornosti.
Ako spoznam pogrešku, izdržavat ću kaznu jer ste vi pravični.
Znat ću što sam mogao bolje, kako sam mogao bolje, gdje sam mogao bolje i kada sam mogao bolje; i to mišlju, riječju, djelom i propustom.
Ako me ne uvjerite, ako vaše tumačenje činjenica bude nedovoljno dobra ili pogrešno primijenjena spoznaja neke od društvenih znanosti:
Pa postane moguće ono što nije bilo moguće,
Pa postane jednostavno ono što nije jednostavno,
Pa moć da se nešto učini postane prosta zamjena za želju ili htijenje,
Onda ću ja biti u zatvoru samo zato jer je sud sila.
A to zbilja ne bi bilo ništa novo.
Mojih pola sata je isteklo.
***
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V
I am not guilty!
And I'm not referring here to the feeling of guilt.
Coldly, rationally, with a logical analysis that has been critically examined dozens of times.
I know I am not guilty!
Your Honour, Judge Antonetti, if your judgement is the opposite of my conclusion, I will respect the general principle of challenging every opinion, conclusion, or attitude. I shall reconsider my position on my own responsibility openly and courageously.
If I recognise a mistake after that, I shall serve my time because you are righteous.
I will know what I could have done better, how I could have done it better, where I could have done it better, and when I could have done things better, in my thoughts and in my words, in what I did and in what I failed to do.
If, however, you do not convince me and if your interpretation of facts is not a good-enough, or a false, application of the social sciences:
What is not possible, thus becomes possible,
What is not simple, thus becomes simple,
The ability to do something becomes a crude substitute for a desire or a wish,
Then I will only be in jail because the Tribunal is almighty.
And, in all truth, this wouldn't be anything new.
My half hour is up.
***
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Zato mi ponovno tražimo od vas:
Vratite nam naše branitelje i iz Bosne i Hercegovine, koje ste vi zatočili ili već i osudili bez dokazane krivnje! Oslobodite i generala Praljka i njegove suborce Jadranka Prljića, Bruna Stojića, Milivoja Petkovića, Valentina Ćorića i Berislava Pušića, jer njihovom presudom samo pokazujete želju za definitivnim eleminiranjem Hrvata iz BiH. Tako ćete spasiti svoju čast i čast svih vas, jer po tome koliko ste bili pravedni i časni sudit će vam povijest.
Mi, Hrvati, samo to od vas tražimo...
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So, once again, we ask of you:
Return us our soldiers and our fellow Croatians from Bosnia-Herzegovina, who you are holding captive and have sentenced without proving their guilt! Also, absolve General Praljak and his fellow soldiers, because through their sentencing you are simply expressing your desire to eliminate the Croatian people from Bosnia-Herzegovina. By doing what we ask, you will restore your collective honour, as history will judge you based on how just and honourable your actions have been.
That is all that we, Croatians, ask of you...
|  Knight Ante Gotovina - living monument of Zadar and Croatia, by Pavle Perović, Croatian painter
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