Academician Davorin Rudolf

Dr. Davorin Rudolf sent an open letter to Croatian Parliament on the new Croatian-Slovenian arbitration agreement dealing with the common state border:  ... We invite and appeal to the representatives of Croatian Parliament to ... unanimously reject the dictates and blackmails that humiliate us ...

POZIV I APEL HRVATSKOME SABORU Arbitražnim sporazumom o rješavanju hrvatsko - slovenskoga graničnoga spora nalaže se arbitražnome sudu da odluči o spoju ili dodiru - svejedno koji izraz upotrijebili - Slovenije s otvorenim morem. Slovenija zahtijeva da taj spoj bude teritorijalan. Nije, prema tome, riječ o nikakvom režimu plovidbe brodova, već u teritorijalnome koridoru kroz neprijeporno hrvatsko državno područje, hrvatsko more. Arbitražnome sudu se, dakle, nalaže, da svojom presudom, koju će stranke morati izvršiti, prisili Hrvatsku na odricanje od dijela vlastitoga državnog teritorija uz savudrijsku obalu, u pojasu mora i podmorja koji je dug 26 kilometara, a širok 5 kilometara i 400 metara. Naša Vlada i predsjednik Republike vele nam da će  Slovenija, ako sporazum odbijemo, ponovno blokirati naše pregovore s EU. Zbog toga ćemo, dugi niz godina ostati izvan te europske integracije. Ta gruba i cinična slovenska ucjena doista prijeti. Oduvijek smo zagovarali i podupiremo naše učlanjenje u EU. Aposlutno je, međutim, nedopustivo taj ulazak plaćati teritorijem. Ako Hrvatski sabor prihvati sporazum, Hrvatska će biti prva i jedina država koja je učlanjenje u EU platila teritorijem. Zbog zahtijeva u arbitražnome sporazumu da arbitražni sud odluči i o spoju Slovenije s otvorenim morem, tim sporazumom se ne uređuje samo sporna granica naslijeđena poslije propasti bivše Jugoslavije, već se pristaje na otuđenje vlastitoga teritorija usuprot hrvatskome Ustavu, međunarodnim konencijama i praksi država, pa se o takvome sporazumu u Hrvatskome saboru može odlučivati jedino striktnom  kvalificiranom većinom svih sabornika. Pozivamo i apeliramo na zastupnike u Hrvatskome saboru da neovisno o stranačkoj pripadnosti jednodušno odbiju diktat i ucjene koje nas ponizuju, omalovažavaju i grubo bacaju na koljena. Davorin Rudolf 29. listopada 2009.

APPEAL TO THE CROATIAN PARLIAMENT The Arbitration Agreement attempting to resolve the Croatian - Slovenian border dispute orders the court of Arbitration to decide on the "Junction" or "Contact" - irrelevant of the term - of Slovenia to the open sea. Slovenia insists that the connection is territorial. It is not, therefore, for any regime of sailing ships, but of a territorial corridor through the territory undoubtedly belonging to the State of Croatia, and by extension the Croatian part of the sea. The court has been instructed to consider predetermined points, therefore, is to consider that in its verdict, force Croatia to give part of their own national territory along Savudria coast, the sea and the seabed which is 26 kilometers long and 5.4 kilometers wide. Our government and the president say that Slovenia will, if we refused the deal, again block our negotiations with the EU. Therefore, we, for many years, will remain outside of the European Union. The brutal and cynical Slovenian blackmail, really threatens . We have always advocated and support our membership in the EU. However, it is absolutely inadmissible to pay this membership with its territory. If the Croatian Parliament accepts the agreement, Croatia will be the first and only state to pay for membership in the EU with its territory. Due to arbitration agreement that requires the arbitral tribunal to decides on Slovenian junction with the open sea, the agreement not only regulates the disputed borders inherited after the collapse of the former Yugoslavia, but agrees to the alienation of its own territory, notwithstanding the Croatian Constitution, international conventions and state practices and such a treaty can be decided only by the Croatian Parliament with strictly qualified majority of parliamentarians. We invite and urge the members of the Croatian Parliament that regardless of party affiliation unanimously reject the dictation and blackmail, that humiliate, belittle us and forcefoly throws us to our knees. Davorin Rudolf 29th October 2009.

Translated from Croatian by Mr. Ratimir Mocnaj, Montreal, Canada.

DAVORIN RUDOLF O NOVOM HRVATSKO - SLOVENSKOM ARBITRAŽNOM SPORAZUMU Nacrt hrvatsko - slovenskoga arbitražnoga sporazuma o rješavanju graničnoga spora, otvara mogućnost arbitražnome sudu da spor riješi na štetu Hrvatske. Formulacijom u sporazumu da arbitražni sud odluči o "spoju" ("dodiru") Slovenije s otvorenim morem (ne traži se, primjerice, da Sud najprije razmotri ima li Slovenija na to pravo), unaprijed se stvara odluka suda o tome pitanju, jer sud mora postupiti onako kako su mu stranke, Hrvatska i Slovenija, naložile u arbitražnome sporazumu. Po mojemu mišljenju sud o tome "spoju" može odlučiti samo na jedan način: da utvrdi  morski prolaz, koridor (Slovenci ga zovu "dimnik", dimnjak), u dijelu mora koje je sada dio hrvatskoga državnog teritorija. Jedino se tako može spojiti Sloveniju s ovorenim morem. Ma koliko formulacija u engleskom tekstu sporazuma bila neprecizna ("junction to"), ne znam koji je to drugačiji način na koji bi arbitražni sud ostvario spoj Slovenije s otvorenim morem. Tako je riječi "spoj s otvorenim morem" interpretirao i slovenski premijer. Slovenski državnici su jasno istaknuli zahtjev za "teritorijalnim koridorom". Njih ne zadovoljava čak ni režim "slobodne plovidbe" svih slovenskih brodova dok plove hrvatskim morem u slovenske luke, tj. režim u kojemu bi se suspendiralo pravo intervencije na slovenskim brodovima hrvatskih policijskih i carinskih organa. 2. Nacrt arbitražnog sporazuma omogućava donošenje arbitražne odluke na temelju koje će se  Hrvatska u koridoru morati odreći dijela svoga mora, morskoga dna i podzemlja sa svim prirodnim bogatstvima u njemu, rudnim i živim, uključujući zračni prostor iznad koridora (a) u korist Slovenije, ili (b) pretvarajući svoje more i podmorje u otvoreno more (tj. more koje nije pod ničijim suverenitetom). 3. Ako se uzme kao model širina koridora iz Račan - Drnovšekovog nacrta sporazuma o granici iz 2001. taj morski i podmorski koridor ("dimnik"), računajući od crte sredine između hrvatske i slovenske obale do izlaska iz Tršćanskoga zaljeva, bio bi širok 5,4 km. a dug 26 km. Za naše dizače bijelih zastava koji u novinama grlato zahtijevaju plaćanje teritorijem slovensku deblokadu pregovora s Bruxellesom (nijedna država nije do sada platila ulazak u Europsku uniju svojim teritorijem), ponovit ću moguću cijenu: pojas neprijeporno hrvatskoga mora i podmorja u dužini od 26 km, širok 5 km i 400 metara.  U arbitražnoj odluci, naravno, te dimnezije mogu biti drukčije, primjerice širina može biti uža, ali i šira. 4. Jednostrana izjava koju namjerava objaviti naša Vlada istodobno s potpisivanjem arbitražnoga ugovora  o tome da Hrvatska neće priznati nikakav "teritorijalni koridor", ne obvezuje arbitražni sud, a ni Sloveniju. Ne može država svojim jednostranim internim aktom preinačiti ili drugačije interpretirati ono što je u isto vrijeme u dvostranome međunarodnom ugovoru prihvatila. Ako u arbitražnome postupku izbiju nejasnoće, arbitražni sporazum rezervira pravo interpretacije jedino arbitražnome sudu. A ne državama. Hvatska i Slovenija morat će izvršiti arbitražnu presudu u cijelosti. 5. Učinci ponuđenoga nacrta aritražnoga sporazuma mogu biti dodatno štetni interesima Hrvatske. Prvo. Ako dobije teritorijalni koridor (morski prolaz pod svojim suverenitetom) - takvu mogućnost, nažalost, otvara nacrt arbitražnoga sporazuma - Slovenija će steći automatski, na temelju važećega međunarodnoga prava, isključivo pravo iskorištavanja prirodnih bogatstava u dijelu podmorja dalje u Jadranu, u smjeru juga, primjerice eksluzivno pravo crpljenja plina i nafte u tzv. "epikontinetskome pojasu". Drugo. Na taj način Slovenija bi mogla steći i pravo jednostranoga proglašenja u moru izvan Tršćanskoga zaljeva u smjeru juga svoga gospodarskog pojasa, tj. svoga ZERP-a. Slovenija je zakonom 4. listopada 2005. već proglasila nekakav svoj fantomski ZERP, arheološku zonu  i fantomski epikontinentski pojas (u području našega ZERP-a i epikontinentskoga pojasa) koji sada nemaju nikakvu valjanu osnovu jer nisu u dodiru sa slovenskim državnim teritorijem (taj dodir prekidaju teritorijalna mora Hrvatske i Italije). Treće. Valja imati na umu da se otvoreno more nalazi tek pred područjem Crne Gore. Hrvatska ima ZERP, a Italija svoj ekološki pojas, pa u dijelu Jadrana između Hrvatske i Italije nema otvorenoga mora. Dokle će sud vući koridor? Do Crne Gore? U slovenskim političkim i stručnim krugovima naveden je primjer koridora dugog 86 km koji je "zbog posebnih odnosa" 1984. Francuska ustupila Monaku. Monako je pod francuskom zaštitom još od 1918. Slovenija, međutim, nije Hrvatskoj Monako, a ni Hrvatska Sloveniji.  Četvrto. Utvrđivanjem koridora, tj. "spoja" Slovenije s otvorenim morem, Hrvatska će izgubi jedinu izravnu granicu s Italijom. Dvojba je hoće li Italija arbitražni sporazum tretirati kao jednostrano (hrvatsko) kršenje Osimskih sporazuma o granici koji su 1975. zaključeni između Hrvatske (bivše Jugoslavije) i Italije? Peto. U Bosni i Hercegovini već su izraženi zahtijevi za "izlazom u otvoreno more" po ugledu na Sloveniju. Šesto. Crna Gora može zakomplicirati načelno postignuti dogovor o rješavanju graničnoga pitanja u Bokokotorskome zaljevu pred Međunardnim sudom pravde u Haagu. 6. Posebice mi valja upozoriti na način formiranja arbitražnoga suda. Taj sud, prema nacrtu arbitražnoga ugovora, bit će sastavljen od petorice arbitara. Po jednoga će imenovati Hrvatska i Slovenija, a trojicu arbitara Europska komisija  s popisa koji je sada, na svoju ruku, ponudio ambiciozni povjerenik EK Olli Rehn. Predloženi su pretežito anonimni stručnjaci bez ikakva sudačkoga iskustva. Po kojemu su kriteriju izabrani? Jesu li u Bruxellesu prilikom odbira tih potencijalnih arbitara prethodno konzultirani Slovenci? Ta su trojica stranih arbitara posebice važna jer će se presuda donijeti većinom glasova. Sve u svemu arbitražni sporazum koji je nedavno dogovoren u Ljubljani i Zagrebu drugi je Rehnov prijedlog koji Hrvatski sabor nije prihvatio. Nema u njemu uzajamnih ustupaka. Nisu uvažena hrvatska stajališta, primjerice da se spor riješi pred glavnim sudskim organom Ujedinjenih naroda Međunarodnim sudom pravde u Haagu. Ili da sud u postupku primijeni isključivo  međunarodno pravo sukladno praksi goleme većine država u svijetu, kako je to opetovano izjavljivao naš pedsjednik Republike.To je, rekao bih, loša verzija abortivnog nacrta ugovora Račan - Drnovšek iz 2001. Primjerice, u Račanovu nacrtu u koridoru ("dimniku") bilo je predviđeno otvoreno more, a u sadašnjemu nacrtu, uz tu varijantu, moguće je gore rješenje: dodjeljivanje hrvatskoga teritorija u koridoru - Sloveniji. Davorin Rudolf 29. listopada 2009.

ABOUT NEW CROATIAN - SLOVENIAN ARBITRATION AGREEMENT The Croatian - Slovenian arbitration agreement draft on settling the border dispute opens the possibility that the arbitration court resolve the dispute at the expense of Croatian territory. Formulation of the agreement that the arbitral tribunal decides on the "junction" (“contact") of Slovenia with the open sea (not required, for example, that the Court first considers whether Slovenia has such right), creates a prejudiced decision on this matter, because the court must act as Croatia and Slovenia ordered by the arbitration agreement. In my opinion, the court with respect to the term "junction" may rule only one way: to determine the strait, a corridor (the Slovenes call it "dimnik" chimney), in the sea, now part of the Croatian state. Only this way can Slovenia connect with the open sea. No matter how the formulation of the English text of the agreement is inaccurate (“the junction"), I do not know any other way in which the arbitral tribunal could make connections of Slovenia to the open sea. "Junction with the open sea" was the same interpretation by the Slovenian prime minister. Slovenian statesmen clearly highlighted the request for the "territorial corridor." They are not satisfied even by the regime of "free sailing" of all Slovenian ships while sailing through Croatian sea to the Slovenian ports, i.e. the regime which would suspend the right of intervention on Slovenian ships by the Croatian police and customs authorities. 2. The draft agreement allows arbitration decision based upon, should Croatia have to give up its territory on the sea, underwater, seabed, underground and all the natural resources therein, minerals and live, including the air space above the corridor (a) in favor of Slovenia, or (b) transforming it into open sea (i.e. the sea that is not under anybodies sovereignty). 3. If we take as a model the corridor width from Racan - Drnovšekovog draft agreement on the border of 2001. the marine and underwater corridor ( "dimnik"), starting from the middle line between the Croatian and Slovenian coast to exit from the Gulf of Trieste, it would be 5.4 kilometers wide and 26 km long. For our loud-mouth white flag surrenderers in the newspaper that require territory payment to the Slovenes to unblock negotiations with Brussels (no state has yet paid to join the European Union with its own territory), let me repeat possible price: corridor of undoubtedly Croatian sea and seabed in the length of 26 km, width 5.4 km. The award dimension of course, may be different, such as width can be narrower but also wider. 4. Unilateral declaration intentions by our government to publish simultaneously with the signing of the arbitration agreement that Croatia will not recognize any “territorial corridor,” do not oblige the arbitral tribunal or Slovenia. The Croatian state cannot unilaterally modify or otherwise interpret what is at the same time by both sides in the international treaty adopted. If uncertainties in the arbitration proceedings appear, the arbitration agreement reserves the right of interpretation only to arbitration court. And not the states. Croatia and Slovenia will have to make arbitration ruling in its entirety. 5. Effects of the draft offered in the arbitration agreement may be further damaging the interests of Croatia. First. If Slovenia gets a territorial corridor (straits under its sovereignty) - such a possibility, unfortunately opened by the arbitration draft agreement - Slovenia will automatically acquire, pursuant to the applicable international law, the exclusive right of exploitation of natural resources in the area on the Adriatic seabed in the south, such as exclusive right to pumping oil and gas in the so-called "Epicontinental belt." Second. In this way, Slovenia could acquire the right of unilateral declaration of the sea outside the Gulf of Trieste in the south of its economic zone, i.e., its ZERP. Slovenia by the law of 4.October 2005. Already declared its phantom ZERP, the archaeological zone and a phantom Epicontinental zone (in our area ZERP and Continental Shelf), which now have no valid basis because they are not in contact with the Slovenian national territory (that contact blocked by Croatian territorial sea, and Italy). Third. It should be borne in mind that the open sea starts only in the territory area of Montenegro. Croatia has ZERP, Italy its ecological zone, and in the Croatian Adriatic between Croatia and Italy there is no open sea. How far the court will draw a corridor? To Montenegro? The Slovenian political and professional circles, give an example of a long corridor 86 km, which is "the special relationship" that in1984th France ceded to Monaco. Monaco was under French protection has since 1918. Slovenia however is not Monaco to Croatia, neither Croatia to Slovenia. Fourth. Establishment of corridors, i.e., with "junction" of Slovenia to the open sea, Croatia will lose the only direct border with Italy. Dilemma is whether Italy will treat arbitration agreements as one-sided (Croatian) violation of the Osim agreement on the border which were concluded in 1975th between the Croatia (former Yugoslavia) and Italy? Fifth. Bosnia and Herzegovina have already expressed requirements for "direct access to the open sea" according to Slovenia's example. Sixth. Montenegro may complicate an agreement in principle reached on settling the border issues in Boka Kotor Bay at the International Court of Justice in The Hague. 6. In particular we must be alert to the way the formation of the arbitral tribunal. The court, according to a draft arbitration agreement shall be composed of five arbitrators. One will be appointed by Croatia and Slovenia, and the three arbitrators from the list of European Commission that is now offered by him, the ambitious EC Commissioner Olli Rehn. Proposed people are mostly anonymous experts without any judicial experience. According to which criteria have they been chosen? Did Brussels, during the selection of potential arbitrators, take considerations previous consultations in Slovenia? The three foreign arbitrators are particularly important because they will bring a verdict by majority vote. All in all, the arbitration agreement that was recently agreed in Ljubljana and Zagreb is the second Rehn's proposal that was not accepted by the Croatian Parliament. There are no mutual concessions. Nor respected Croatian point of view, for example, that the dispute be resolved before the principal judicial organ of the United Nations International Court of Justice in The Hague. Or that court proceedings apply only to international law in accordance with the practice of the vast majority of countries in the world, as it was repeatedly declaring by our president of Croatia.This is, I think, a bad version of the aborted draft contract Racan - Drnovsek from 2001. For example, in Racan's draft in the corridor (“dimnik") provision was for the open sea, and with the present draft, in this variant, worse solution is possible: the allocation of Croatian territory in the corridor - to Slovenia. Davorin Rudolf October 29, 2009.

Translated from Croatian by Mr. Ratimir Mocnaj, Montreal, Canada.

Many thanks to Dr. Davorin Rudolf, a full member of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, for submitting these articles for the readers of the CROWN.

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